In this time zone, it came calibrated with the new calendar day, where it happened it sought the time with the least attention, and where it was addressed to it narrowly may have been missed by an outmatched day shift. The only phenomenon more surprising than the apparent Syrian self-mutilation in the Damascus massacre is the deafening silence of the democratic politicians. After all those years of stupid provocations and management attempts and harassment of dissidents, these who have nothing more to offer than their immediate public reactions towards anything in the focus of their spying are now struggling for explanations they want to give to the public. Does this reluctance indicate another false flag?
For certain is: Mass death has occurred. Had it been an earthquake the response would look incompetent and questionable. In the case of a military operation it looks incompetent and telling. If the incident is being perceived as a message, it allows reconstructing what both the sender and the recipient know about it but the public not yet. As this writer said before, had such attack been targeted against NSA (or its British clone) and the chemical agent been injected into that building on that parking lot, it probably would have been justified. Not just due to the public confirmation thereof, but already due to the existence and activity of NSA and counterparts, everything suitable to stop this irrational totalitarianism is a relative improvement even if otherwise not justified. The only ethical argument that could be made against a chemical attack on NSA is that a neutron bomb might be more efficient to preserve evidence. In comparison to previous chemical attacks, e. g. in Moscow a decade ago, these hostage takers have atomic bombs and abundant carrier systems, in case of a bloody attack they would be able to blow up themselves and us not only in a conventional sense.
And this makes the next undeniable certainty: In an international system that has devolved into little more than one big hostage drama, mass death has a different meaning than outside thereof. If there was no malignant hegemony, the situation of a community apparently hurting itself would be a matter of capable response to genuinely unprecedented action. But in the closed space of hegemony, death can also be a message of the kind that points at one tree to mean another. The people in Syria did not die for the privileges of the military as in Egypt, they died for the theatrics of diplomacy as in Yemen. Someone killed them instead because that someone could not reach those who have deserved it. Because that is one of the few things certain about this massacre, had not the NSA crimes interfered with the ethical configuration of the world, there would be no incentive to kill ordinary people instead of perpetrators.
What else is certain? In the course of its August scare, which first seemed to be specifically directed against Africa, NSA has again sent its robots to massacre Yemen. Yet it would be shortsighted to describe the Syrian massacre - or that of Egypt already - as mere copycat actions. At least the later one has been committed out of antagonistic interests against NSA, not its mere emulation. And yet, had it not attacked Yemen, with some probability both sequels would not have happened. The map of these three locations circumscribes the central problem at the heart of the bloodshed: The chemical attack could also have legitimately targeted those who let NSA murderers into the Arab subcontinent and its islands, but since that alone would not have been enough it was decided not yet to rattle the throne that might only die with it.
Is there any more certainty than that? Whether false flag or not, the declared culprit of the suspected poison gas attack is a doctor. That puts it into the category of clerical abuse, arson by fireman, police harassment and so forth. In the narratives of social standards, this was done by the kind of person who would be expected to help out against it. And in addition to that it was done in an apparently crazy or confused way, as in putting the soap on the toothbrush, because the place where it should have been applied could not be reached. What can be seen in this massacre, and constitutes its peculiar oddity, is that with all the professionalism which should be used to avoid just that, an attempt to get at something that could not be technically targeted due to lack of carrier system deliberately botched itself in the most shocking way, because the circumstances of the present make it that doing something against it is better than doing nothing. That this calling is echoed where it is, suggests that behind the totalitarianism of NSA either there is not a single doctor, or some form of junk science that takes all their places, or a toxic mixture of both conditions. It seems to be doing something so deranged that in contrast even the Damascus massacre can appear sane, like the recruits in the German empire a century ago who would rather sacrifice a finger than become its soldiers.
And this makes the next undeniable certainty: In an international system that has devolved into little more than one big hostage drama, mass death has a different meaning than outside thereof. If there was no malignant hegemony, the situation of a community apparently hurting itself would be a matter of capable response to genuinely unprecedented action. But in the closed space of hegemony, death can also be a message of the kind that points at one tree to mean another. The people in Syria did not die for the privileges of the military as in Egypt, they died for the theatrics of diplomacy as in Yemen. Someone killed them instead because that someone could not reach those who have deserved it. Because that is one of the few things certain about this massacre, had not the NSA crimes interfered with the ethical configuration of the world, there would be no incentive to kill ordinary people instead of perpetrators.
What else is certain? In the course of its August scare, which first seemed to be specifically directed against Africa, NSA has again sent its robots to massacre Yemen. Yet it would be shortsighted to describe the Syrian massacre - or that of Egypt already - as mere copycat actions. At least the later one has been committed out of antagonistic interests against NSA, not its mere emulation. And yet, had it not attacked Yemen, with some probability both sequels would not have happened. The map of these three locations circumscribes the central problem at the heart of the bloodshed: The chemical attack could also have legitimately targeted those who let NSA murderers into the Arab subcontinent and its islands, but since that alone would not have been enough it was decided not yet to rattle the throne that might only die with it.
Is there any more certainty than that? Whether false flag or not, the declared culprit of the suspected poison gas attack is a doctor. That puts it into the category of clerical abuse, arson by fireman, police harassment and so forth. In the narratives of social standards, this was done by the kind of person who would be expected to help out against it. And in addition to that it was done in an apparently crazy or confused way, as in putting the soap on the toothbrush, because the place where it should have been applied could not be reached. What can be seen in this massacre, and constitutes its peculiar oddity, is that with all the professionalism which should be used to avoid just that, an attempt to get at something that could not be technically targeted due to lack of carrier system deliberately botched itself in the most shocking way, because the circumstances of the present make it that doing something against it is better than doing nothing. That this calling is echoed where it is, suggests that behind the totalitarianism of NSA either there is not a single doctor, or some form of junk science that takes all their places, or a toxic mixture of both conditions. It seems to be doing something so deranged that in contrast even the Damascus massacre can appear sane, like the recruits in the German empire a century ago who would rather sacrifice a finger than become its soldiers.
