The civil war in Turkey has several origins. On its Asian side there is so much ongoing conflict that it has become ever more attractive for the successor state of history's longest lasting empire to indulge itself in a technocratic hallucination of fictional sovereignty. Plans for the regulation of river flows into Iraq exploit the total dependency created by such measures to maintain illusions of power and influence that cannot be found for real in the international role of the country. On its European side there is an absurd stalemate and permanent haggling whether Germany is going to allow its ailing WWI ally into the equally rotten conglomerate of the EU or not. The term „privileged partnership“ has become a joke in itself, with ever more unreasonable demands made as an entry price, up to the grotesque scenery of a German military presence being established last winter for no other purpose than humiliating Erdogan. And now, the bizarre rhetoric emanating from the regime indicates that it has lost control of the escalation it ignited with its mindless attacks against protesters.
The harbingers of this strange situation could be perceived this spring when the Turkish politician ordered Japanese atomic reactors, like others would order atomic bombs, to deter resp. blackmail neighbours with the risk of radioactive contamination of the Black Sea in case the negotiations are going to stall indefinitely. After it became known that Nato secret armies had backed German state police in an entrapment case dragging along the serial killing of Turkish immigrants, Turkey's position in Nato was severely weakened. Probably that is the reason why it had to accept a military invasion - even though only symbolic in a form suitable for little more than making a claim - outside the formal structure of the Nato assistance clause. According to the concept of national sovereignty propagated by the conglomerate remaining from the last century, article five is to be invoked by Nato member states for mutual military assistance. There are no clear remarks from the side of the Turkish state as far as a stringent definition of trigger mechanisms for the case of an invocation is concerned, but it seems unlikely that Erdogan would like the assumption that the American invocation of the clause in the trade towers attack was a blanket cover for all ensuing internal rivalries in the contradiction-ridden military conglomerate.
If Turkey relied on this interpretation to explain its collaboration in the fascist invasion, it would pull out the carpet under its entire hitherto antiimperialist diplomacy. E. g. when Erdogan complained about the Mavi Marmara attack he was technically right because the technique used in the armed boarding was below the technical standards of nonviolent environmental protest actions, but that is not a result of his deluded ideology (which he might only be able to emancipate himself from by finally releasing Öcalan and other political prisoners). This becomes obvious in statements such as that increased waste of resources was indicative of or contributing to a higher cultural rank, which were tailored for the purchase of the Japanese reactors but in an ironic sense also fit the Israeli military attack against the ship. In this context it is not an empty coincidence that the civil war broke out from an unsuccessful police raid against environmental protesters. Apparently the symbol of the occupied tree – an antifascist occupation entirely different from the fascist occupation with its militarist death machinery – alone had been sufficient to trigger the realisation that contradictions between how the nation presents itself to the outside and how it does on the inside opened up just too far to be bridged any longer.
The aggression against the population waged by the Ankara regime with the obvious backing of its Nato accomplices also points at the manifest possibility that the Turkish state is not fully aware of its legal situation. After all the diplomatic legitimation of the “Bundeswehr” (the Nazi successor army) is even more questionable than the alleged innocence of the secret state police agent present in the killing of the Turkish-German businessman that was approved by the entire Gladio structure. This estimation is confirmed by the fact that the Turkish branch thereof reacted to the revelation of its internal degradation with a reciprocally aggressive intrusion it expected to get away with from its accomplices – the assassinations of the Kurdish dissidents in France last winter. The German military of the post-fascist era was set up together with Nato in 1955, and in its self-perception did not exist before – other than in a fascist form, which – with the only exception of its false flag attacks – is never mentioned in its propaganda. As long as the Ankara regime continues to allow German military in Turkey even before or outside or without prescribed Nato procedure, it is inviting ever more of precisely this toxic legacy of botched regime change that caused the term “blowback” to spread and whose results are now becoming openly visible.
The entire farce has already turned the former flagship of capitalist ideology into a laughing stock receiving membership requests from arms-trade-dependent post colonial dictators trying to cover up their human rights records. In the case of Turkey the blowback – or plausibly predictable unintended consequence – of the evil continuity is the popular anger which had eagerly been waiting for an opportunity to draw the red line through the Turkish state ideology. This may still be a largely unconscious force, just like in other national struggles, but the summary of the insurrection in June so far is that Turkish politicians increasingly and drastically fail to distract from the self-evident fact their entire careers now revolve around – that the first thing on the planet about which it can and must be said with full certainty that it, with all its rivaling branches and undeclared projects, has absolutely no right to exist in any imaginable or even undreamed of form, is the Nazi successor army.
If Turkey relied on this interpretation to explain its collaboration in the fascist invasion, it would pull out the carpet under its entire hitherto antiimperialist diplomacy. E. g. when Erdogan complained about the Mavi Marmara attack he was technically right because the technique used in the armed boarding was below the technical standards of nonviolent environmental protest actions, but that is not a result of his deluded ideology (which he might only be able to emancipate himself from by finally releasing Öcalan and other political prisoners). This becomes obvious in statements such as that increased waste of resources was indicative of or contributing to a higher cultural rank, which were tailored for the purchase of the Japanese reactors but in an ironic sense also fit the Israeli military attack against the ship. In this context it is not an empty coincidence that the civil war broke out from an unsuccessful police raid against environmental protesters. Apparently the symbol of the occupied tree – an antifascist occupation entirely different from the fascist occupation with its militarist death machinery – alone had been sufficient to trigger the realisation that contradictions between how the nation presents itself to the outside and how it does on the inside opened up just too far to be bridged any longer.
The aggression against the population waged by the Ankara regime with the obvious backing of its Nato accomplices also points at the manifest possibility that the Turkish state is not fully aware of its legal situation. After all the diplomatic legitimation of the “Bundeswehr” (the Nazi successor army) is even more questionable than the alleged innocence of the secret state police agent present in the killing of the Turkish-German businessman that was approved by the entire Gladio structure. This estimation is confirmed by the fact that the Turkish branch thereof reacted to the revelation of its internal degradation with a reciprocally aggressive intrusion it expected to get away with from its accomplices – the assassinations of the Kurdish dissidents in France last winter. The German military of the post-fascist era was set up together with Nato in 1955, and in its self-perception did not exist before – other than in a fascist form, which – with the only exception of its false flag attacks – is never mentioned in its propaganda. As long as the Ankara regime continues to allow German military in Turkey even before or outside or without prescribed Nato procedure, it is inviting ever more of precisely this toxic legacy of botched regime change that caused the term “blowback” to spread and whose results are now becoming openly visible.
The entire farce has already turned the former flagship of capitalist ideology into a laughing stock receiving membership requests from arms-trade-dependent post colonial dictators trying to cover up their human rights records. In the case of Turkey the blowback – or plausibly predictable unintended consequence – of the evil continuity is the popular anger which had eagerly been waiting for an opportunity to draw the red line through the Turkish state ideology. This may still be a largely unconscious force, just like in other national struggles, but the summary of the insurrection in June so far is that Turkish politicians increasingly and drastically fail to distract from the self-evident fact their entire careers now revolve around – that the first thing on the planet about which it can and must be said with full certainty that it, with all its rivaling branches and undeclared projects, has absolutely no right to exist in any imaginable or even undreamed of form, is the Nazi successor army.
