Social movements warn that 4 February demonstrations will polarise Colombia and “prolong the internal war in our country, and close off the possibility that the actors involved will humanise the armed conflict”.
Pronouncement of Social Organisations on 4 February
Declaration on the March of February 4 by the Polo Democratico Alternativo
The round of demonstrations against the FARC to be held in Colombia and abroad on 4 February are not simply a spontaneous initiative of ordinary citizens, as they are disingenuously portrayed. 4 February has become the focus of an orchestrated campaign to manipulate international opinion away from backing a negotiated, humanitarian agreement as the most hopeful means towards a peaceful settlement to the country’s armed conflict. Rather than a celebration of citizen power 4 February is a tragedy in the makin
The Colombia Solidarity Campaign urges that attention be paid to the voice of the political opposition, to social movements and victim groups who consider that 4 February is a dangerous and polarising initiative that could wipe away the tentative steps towards a humanitarian agreement between the government and the FARC.
POSITION OF THE OPPOSITION AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
The opposition party Polo Democratico Alternativo and the CUT trade union federation will be holding their own demonstration on 4 February calling “For the Humanitarian Accord: No to war, No to kidnappings”. The Polo makes clear that its attitude cannot
“be assumed to be either supportive of the FARC, kidnappings or crimes against humanity or supportive of the government of Alvaro Uribe, which it opposes unequivocally for its authoritarian and regressive nature”. (The Polo’s full statement is attached.)
Diverse social movements in Colombia are refusing to participate. The Colombian University Students Association, ACEU states:
“we, [the] university students…… will not march for the war as we are convinced of [the viability of] a political and negotiated exit to the social and armed conflict. As university students, we believe in the importance of debate, discussion and the construction of alternatives to the present regime. We invite all Colombians not to play the game of these war propositions and still wait for calls to march by mass media and the national government to eradicate poverty, the hunger that kills many children of Colombia, illiteracy, etc.
The School Teachers Association of Antioquia – ADIDA – “will not participate as the demonstration is about a false dilemma that the government is now posing to the Colombian people”. The association explains that although ADIDA rejects the armed struggle,
“neither is it willing to yield in the confrontation with a war-like and clientelistic government which is suspected of links with the paramilitaries. To the detriment of resources for education, health, sanitation and drinking water, today the regime maintains a budget which has the highest level of funds dedicated to war in the world – 6.3% of the GDP.”
Perhaps most tellingly of all, an array of organisations representing socially oppressed groups including the national indigenous movement ONIC, the popular women’s organisation OFP, the Process of Black Communities PCN and the CNA campesino alliance warn that the 4 February demonstrations
“will lead to prolonging the internal war in our country, and close off the possibility that the actors involved will humanise the armed conflict”.
There is grave concern that the 4 February demonstrations will be made use of to extinguish all hope of a humanitarian accord in the foreseeable future.
URIBE ATTEMPTS TO SCUPPER HUMANITARIAN AGREEMENT
It is important to locate the 4 February demonstrations in the context of the fast moving developments since August 2007 when Colombia’s President Uribe invited Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez in to mediate in the armed conflict. Working with the families and Senator Piedad Cordoba, Chávez was able to facilitate talks with the FARC that culminated on 10 January 2008 with the guerrilla group releasing Senator Consuelo González and Clara Rojas, aide to former presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt, into the custody of the International Red Cross and the Venezuelan authorities. With goodwill from the principle actors, this initial success could have opened the way to a more comprehensive agreement covering the exchange of imprisoned guerrillas for kidnap victims.
But there is no goodwill. Under pressure from the US, Colombia’s president Uribe has dismissed the mediating efforts of Hugo Chávez, preferring instead his close ally the Catholic Church hierarchy, backed up by an international group consisting the governments of France, Spain and Switzerland. The three European countries have corporations with substantial investment interests in Colombia, and are expected to adopt a more pro-Uribe line than a group composed of Latin American governments.
Yet the reality is that Chávez’s involvement was a critical factor in releasing the two hostages; without Chávez it is hard to see the gulf of distrust between Uribe and the FARC being bridged.
Uribe is hell bent on a military confrontation rather than negotiated solution. His order on 26 January 2008 to the Colombia army to encircle the camps where the FARC hostages are held has radically diminished the possibility of further humanitarian exchanges.
Yolanda Pulecio, mother of Ingris Betancourt, condemned Uribe for putting her daughter’s life in even further danger. Relatives of the politicians and military hostages held by the FARC have made it clear they will not participate in the 4 February demonstrations for fear of inflaming the situation for their family members.
THE STRATEGY OF STATE TERROR INTENSIFIES
Colombia is not a functioning democracy, the right to opposition is severely limited, and opponents are routinely intimidated and killed by a combination of official and unofficial means.
The principal unofficial threat comes from extreme right-wing paramilitaries. The government claims that the paramilitary umbrella AUC (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia) has been disbanded, but a new generation of groups know as the ‘Black Eagles’ operate with impunity across the country, exerting a continuing and real threat of assassination against members of the social movements and the political opposition. Taking but one example, the children of Coca-Cola workers and SINALTRAINAL trade unionists– Luis Eduardo, Jose Domingo and Nelson Perez and Union president Javier Correa – have been threatened with assassination unless their fathers give up their demands against the corporation.
The paramilitaries are well connected with the politicians closest to Uribe. No less than 40 uribista Congress deputies are implicated with nexus with the AUC. Uribe’s cousin and close collaborator, ex Senator Mario Uribe, is one of them. According to the investigating judge, Uribe telephoned him insisting that the case be dropped. Uribe denies making this call, but continues to intimidate the Supreme Court whenever it considers accusations against him. In another outstanding case, paramilitary leader ‘Tasmania’ alleges that he consorted in a murder plot with Uribe. And prosecutors have found that Jorge Noguera, Uribe’s appointment to head the DAS national intelligence service held ten meetings with paramilitary leaders and passed to them complied lists of trade unionist and academics to be assassinated.
Since Uribe came to power in 2002, human rights groups report that the Armed Forces have been responsible for 908 extra-judicial executions of civilians up to 2007, a figure expected to exceed 1,000 victims soon. Iván Cepeda, the son of an assassinated opposition Senator, notes that many of the victims are ‘false positives’ – individuals that the Army claims were ‘terrorists’ killed in combat, but who were later shown to be civilians dressed up in guerrilla clothes to justify their assassination.
Another substantial part of the killings are civilians assassinated or disappeared whilst in custody. This renders especially worrying the report of monitoring group Human Rights First that
“in the last month, a wave of arbitrary detentions of activists has swept Colombia, putting the lives of community leaders and members of non-governmental organizations … in danger”.
Journalists are continually threatened, and Uribe’s political henchmen especially vilify alternative media outlets. Desde Abajo magazine is the latest victim of a campaign of stigmatisation, which because it does not support the government has been falsely labelled as supporting the FARC. In Colombia this is a green light to assassination for all those associated with the publication.
These are but a few examples, illustrating a pervasive strategy of violence and intimidation. Uribe is the executive heading up a strategy of state terror.
CONCLUSION
The Colombia Solidarity Campaign condemns the 4 February demonstrations as a manipulation of the pain and suffering of the victims caused by both sides of the armed conflict.
We urge anyone who is genuinely concerned with ending terrorism in Colombia to closely examine the record of the government, the armed forces under its command and its paramilitary auxiliaries.
Above all at this time we appeal for international public opinion to listen to, be guided by and support Colombia’s social movements who are united in seeking a humanitarian agreement.
London, 3rd February 2008
Pronouncement of Social Organisations on 4 February
Declaration on the March of February 4 by the Polo Democratico Alternativo
The round of demonstrations against the FARC to be held in Colombia and abroad on 4 February are not simply a spontaneous initiative of ordinary citizens, as they are disingenuously portrayed. 4 February has become the focus of an orchestrated campaign to manipulate international opinion away from backing a negotiated, humanitarian agreement as the most hopeful means towards a peaceful settlement to the country’s armed conflict. Rather than a celebration of citizen power 4 February is a tragedy in the makin
The Colombia Solidarity Campaign urges that attention be paid to the voice of the political opposition, to social movements and victim groups who consider that 4 February is a dangerous and polarising initiative that could wipe away the tentative steps towards a humanitarian agreement between the government and the FARC.
POSITION OF THE OPPOSITION AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
The opposition party Polo Democratico Alternativo and the CUT trade union federation will be holding their own demonstration on 4 February calling “For the Humanitarian Accord: No to war, No to kidnappings”. The Polo makes clear that its attitude cannot
“be assumed to be either supportive of the FARC, kidnappings or crimes against humanity or supportive of the government of Alvaro Uribe, which it opposes unequivocally for its authoritarian and regressive nature”. (The Polo’s full statement is attached.)
Diverse social movements in Colombia are refusing to participate. The Colombian University Students Association, ACEU states:
“we, [the] university students…… will not march for the war as we are convinced of [the viability of] a political and negotiated exit to the social and armed conflict. As university students, we believe in the importance of debate, discussion and the construction of alternatives to the present regime. We invite all Colombians not to play the game of these war propositions and still wait for calls to march by mass media and the national government to eradicate poverty, the hunger that kills many children of Colombia, illiteracy, etc.
The School Teachers Association of Antioquia – ADIDA – “will not participate as the demonstration is about a false dilemma that the government is now posing to the Colombian people”. The association explains that although ADIDA rejects the armed struggle,
“neither is it willing to yield in the confrontation with a war-like and clientelistic government which is suspected of links with the paramilitaries. To the detriment of resources for education, health, sanitation and drinking water, today the regime maintains a budget which has the highest level of funds dedicated to war in the world – 6.3% of the GDP.”
Perhaps most tellingly of all, an array of organisations representing socially oppressed groups including the national indigenous movement ONIC, the popular women’s organisation OFP, the Process of Black Communities PCN and the CNA campesino alliance warn that the 4 February demonstrations
“will lead to prolonging the internal war in our country, and close off the possibility that the actors involved will humanise the armed conflict”.
There is grave concern that the 4 February demonstrations will be made use of to extinguish all hope of a humanitarian accord in the foreseeable future.
URIBE ATTEMPTS TO SCUPPER HUMANITARIAN AGREEMENT
It is important to locate the 4 February demonstrations in the context of the fast moving developments since August 2007 when Colombia’s President Uribe invited Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez in to mediate in the armed conflict. Working with the families and Senator Piedad Cordoba, Chávez was able to facilitate talks with the FARC that culminated on 10 January 2008 with the guerrilla group releasing Senator Consuelo González and Clara Rojas, aide to former presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt, into the custody of the International Red Cross and the Venezuelan authorities. With goodwill from the principle actors, this initial success could have opened the way to a more comprehensive agreement covering the exchange of imprisoned guerrillas for kidnap victims.
But there is no goodwill. Under pressure from the US, Colombia’s president Uribe has dismissed the mediating efforts of Hugo Chávez, preferring instead his close ally the Catholic Church hierarchy, backed up by an international group consisting the governments of France, Spain and Switzerland. The three European countries have corporations with substantial investment interests in Colombia, and are expected to adopt a more pro-Uribe line than a group composed of Latin American governments.
Yet the reality is that Chávez’s involvement was a critical factor in releasing the two hostages; without Chávez it is hard to see the gulf of distrust between Uribe and the FARC being bridged.
Uribe is hell bent on a military confrontation rather than negotiated solution. His order on 26 January 2008 to the Colombia army to encircle the camps where the FARC hostages are held has radically diminished the possibility of further humanitarian exchanges.
Yolanda Pulecio, mother of Ingris Betancourt, condemned Uribe for putting her daughter’s life in even further danger. Relatives of the politicians and military hostages held by the FARC have made it clear they will not participate in the 4 February demonstrations for fear of inflaming the situation for their family members.
THE STRATEGY OF STATE TERROR INTENSIFIES
Colombia is not a functioning democracy, the right to opposition is severely limited, and opponents are routinely intimidated and killed by a combination of official and unofficial means.
The principal unofficial threat comes from extreme right-wing paramilitaries. The government claims that the paramilitary umbrella AUC (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia) has been disbanded, but a new generation of groups know as the ‘Black Eagles’ operate with impunity across the country, exerting a continuing and real threat of assassination against members of the social movements and the political opposition. Taking but one example, the children of Coca-Cola workers and SINALTRAINAL trade unionists– Luis Eduardo, Jose Domingo and Nelson Perez and Union president Javier Correa – have been threatened with assassination unless their fathers give up their demands against the corporation.
The paramilitaries are well connected with the politicians closest to Uribe. No less than 40 uribista Congress deputies are implicated with nexus with the AUC. Uribe’s cousin and close collaborator, ex Senator Mario Uribe, is one of them. According to the investigating judge, Uribe telephoned him insisting that the case be dropped. Uribe denies making this call, but continues to intimidate the Supreme Court whenever it considers accusations against him. In another outstanding case, paramilitary leader ‘Tasmania’ alleges that he consorted in a murder plot with Uribe. And prosecutors have found that Jorge Noguera, Uribe’s appointment to head the DAS national intelligence service held ten meetings with paramilitary leaders and passed to them complied lists of trade unionist and academics to be assassinated.
Since Uribe came to power in 2002, human rights groups report that the Armed Forces have been responsible for 908 extra-judicial executions of civilians up to 2007, a figure expected to exceed 1,000 victims soon. Iván Cepeda, the son of an assassinated opposition Senator, notes that many of the victims are ‘false positives’ – individuals that the Army claims were ‘terrorists’ killed in combat, but who were later shown to be civilians dressed up in guerrilla clothes to justify their assassination.
Another substantial part of the killings are civilians assassinated or disappeared whilst in custody. This renders especially worrying the report of monitoring group Human Rights First that
“in the last month, a wave of arbitrary detentions of activists has swept Colombia, putting the lives of community leaders and members of non-governmental organizations … in danger”.
Journalists are continually threatened, and Uribe’s political henchmen especially vilify alternative media outlets. Desde Abajo magazine is the latest victim of a campaign of stigmatisation, which because it does not support the government has been falsely labelled as supporting the FARC. In Colombia this is a green light to assassination for all those associated with the publication.
These are but a few examples, illustrating a pervasive strategy of violence and intimidation. Uribe is the executive heading up a strategy of state terror.
CONCLUSION
The Colombia Solidarity Campaign condemns the 4 February demonstrations as a manipulation of the pain and suffering of the victims caused by both sides of the armed conflict.
We urge anyone who is genuinely concerned with ending terrorism in Colombia to closely examine the record of the government, the armed forces under its command and its paramilitary auxiliaries.
Above all at this time we appeal for international public opinion to listen to, be guided by and support Colombia’s social movements who are united in seeking a humanitarian agreement.
London, 3rd February 2008
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