It has, already, been eight weeks since the world of education in Greece has been struggling. Today we can count up to 280 occupied faculties out of the 420, six national mobilizations in Athens and six decentralized, a few occupations of secondary schools, a three week strike by university personnel and three days of nation-wide strike in several sectors of the industry
(inter alia, teachers of the primary and secondary education). This movement does not seem to deflate yet, not even after two events which completely changed the scene: firstly, the PASOK (Greek socialist party) does not support any more the government in its will to revise article 16 of the constitution and secondly, on Tuesday February 20 the government put again on the table the law cadre…
New Year's resolution: To fight for the public and free education for all!!
“2007 will be remembered in history as the year of total refusal of all the reforms which do not go in the direction of free and public education for all and at all levels…”, declared a member of a student union.
However, already since 2006 there is in Greece refusal and disobedience regarding European authorities and their national counterparts. In May-June 2006 there was the struggle against the law cadre (more of the 90% of faculties were occupied for two months). In September there was the strike of primary and secondary education teachers which lasted almost three months, coupled by the occupations of the schools by the pupils. Finally between October and November a new wave of occupations and demonstrations took place, organized by the university students following government declarations to revise article 16 of the Constitution and of the possible proposal for a new law cadre which had been frozen in June.
Article 16 must change…
The principal cause of the mobilizations was the revision of article 16 of the Greek Constitution. The constitution guarantees a state sponsored and organized free for all education. The revision proposes the creation of a market for education where the state would be a “supplier” among other private suppliers. These “suppliers” would function like non-profit associations but according to standards of the private sector (i.e. responsibilisation of consumers/students via fees, agreements with banks for student loans etc). According to the government, these standards are the way out of the dead ends which the educational system meets and in the long term would be adopted by state universities.
The support of the revision by the party in government, Nea dimikratia, and the biggest party in opposition, the Socialist Party (PASOK), made the situation very alarming. Together they represented more than 90% of the seats in Parliament, which is amply sufficient for a constitutional revision which requires ¾ of voices. The revision appeared to be an accomplished fact.
However two weeks ago the PASOK decided not to support the revision anymore. By making a political maneuver G. Papandreou, the president of the PASOK, proposed a no confidence vote to the government. He declared that the revisions suggested by the government goes too far and that the PASOK does not support the procedure any more without anticipated elections. Following long discussions, the elections will take place normally, in 2008, but the constitutional revision is given to the next legislature since the majority of the ¾ was lost.
In front of this maneuver, the movement appears relieved but also torn. Is this a victory of the movement, a partial victory or a strategic withdrawal of the PASOK under the pressure of the movement? Independently of the interpretation, a thing is sure, article 16 is largely regarded as an obstacle to the “the improvement” of the educational system, but will again be put on the agenda by one or the other party in the forthcoming government. The revision is always possible… so are the demands of the movement too. This will be long-term struggle…
While they freeze article 16 they re heat the law cadre…
Tuesday February 20, Marieta Yannakou (1), put on the table the new law cadre. This law cadre was at the base of the broad student movement of May-July 2006, which pushed the government to withdraw it. It is as if the ministry forgot what occurred last year and that it did not have enough with the six weeks of occupations, demonstrations and strikes. According to certain analyses Yannakou would profit from the fact that the movement has lasted for a long time and that it would be to blowing out of steam. She is also trying to benefit from the stakes of the movement and the occupations to make pressure: to frighten students who might miss their January-February exam session and the semester that follows.
This “new” law cadre touches at the essence of the educational system. It wants to put the educational system on the rails of the Bologna Process. Here are its biggest points (2):
Revision of university asylum: Until now university asylum protects freedom of circulation of ideas and freedom of thought on the university campus. It is forbidden that any representative of the law being present except if there is an explicit invitation by the Dean’s Council (DC) of the university, where the students have several seats. The latter can invite the law enforcement only if there are criminal acts or attacks against the asylum on the university ground. This invitation can only based on a unanimous decision of DC.
According to new law cadre, university asylum would defend the ideas and research but also the right to work for all. Thus, a strike or an occupation could be an attack against the asylum and thus a reason so that the police enters on campus. It proposes that university asylum should be limited only to the buildings where research and teaching are accomplished and not on the whole campus. The DC can invite the police force with simple majority.
Revision of the financing and the economic management of the establishments: Today higher education is a part of the Ministry for Education. It is financed by it and are managed by civil servant who are directly dependent of it. There is independence on the management and the allowance of the funds, even if they are always under control of the Ministry.
The law cadre proposes two fundamental changes which lead towards the autonomous higher education. Firstly, the creation of the post of “Secretary of the higher education” which would ensure the rationalization of procedures and the finances of the various establishments. He would be the economic manager of faculty. Secondly, the financing of the establishments would be done by the proposition of four year projects. The establishments would thus have a financing on the basis of contract with the Ministry. The principal criteria to gain the financing would be of an economic nature, the reliability of the project and that of the establishment and the application by the university of reform already introduced (for example, the ranking, the complement of diploma etc). The law cadre also encourages universities to seek alternative source of financings, either by the students or by companies.
Introduction of the financial assistance to students. Today the students do not receive financial assistance directly but indirectly. The State ensures that they pay neither tuition fees, neither books, neither food and for some nor housing. However, the law cadre proposes the introduction of a financial assistance which would be “more just”. This assistance would take the form of loans. There would be some of them which would be allotted directly by the establishments in return of the working hours of the students (with the library, administration etc) who would be equivalent to the granted sum. Others would have the form of bank loans which would be repaid after the studies.
More than one syllabus/book/manual. Until now all students in higher education received the book of reference for each class for free, on the basis of which they were examined. This procedure frequently raised the question of monopoly for the benefit of the professors that wrote them. “To break” this monopoly the law cadre proposes the introduction of a list of the several books, only one of the student’s choice, would be provided for free and the others would be paid.
Limitation of the years of studies. Following the success of the examinations of entry into higher education the students can remain in university fort as long as in needed for them to complete their degree. According to the Ministry it is because of this possibility that we find in higher education “eternal students”. The law cadre “wants to put an end” to this phenomenon and thus puts the following limit: 2v. Where “v” is the official duration of a degree. Thus, if the law cadre is voted, students whose studies last minimum four will be able to remain in university maximum eight years. It is important to stress that this is a point on which the government has backed down since May 2006 where it proposed v + 2. In addition it is the only thing which changed since the first version.
The president of the trade union of the university professors (POSDEP), L. Apekis, stated that “even if they try to embellish the law cadre and to make it pass as if it were not the monster of last year, they did not succeed. We know that the law cadre and the revision of article 16 are two phases of the same movement, the application of the Bologna Process and the Lisbon directives. We also know that the law cadre is even worse than the revision of article 16. The revision sets up the foundations of privatization, but the law cadre is the actual privatization the higher education. It is more than ever the moment to continue the struggle. ” (3)
The movement is still alive….
The movement starts to show signs of tiredness. The number of occupied faculties fell since the last week. Today we count 280 faculties occupied out of 420, in opposition to the 330 of the last week.
However in the street the situation is still filled with enthusiasm. Each week at local or national demonstrations we meet a real sea humans in the streets. The height of the massification in the streets we saw it in Thessaloniki on Tuesday February 20 and in Athens on Thursday February 22.
In Thessaloniki the Coordinating committee of the movement had decided to occupy the centre town all the day and to organize artistic events, concerts, expositions and projections. More of the 8000 people were present.
In Athens 35000 students of all Greece were in the streets at the time of the national demonstration against the law cadre and the revision of article 16. At the time of the meeting of the National Committee of Coordination of the movement which followed the demonstration there were 6000-7000 students who were present and who wanted to take part. First time this happens in the history of the movement.
The movement is in a moment of crisis. The students start to be tired and very concerned of their semester and their exams which are likely to be lost. The student organizations close to the government, the DAP, use that to create an ambience of fear to disorientate the students and to stop the movement. This week is crucial for the movement. The re-introduction the of the law cadre will it give a new dash to the movement or on the contrary will mark its end of and the first true defeat of the movement and of society?. The arm wrestling between education and government continues… nothing is decided.
Meanwhile on February 26 in Athens there is the blocking of the centre town with concerts and on Thursday March 1 still a national demonstration of all the sectors of the education system but also of the sectors of industry is taking place.
To Be continued…
New Year's resolution: To fight for the public and free education for all!!
“2007 will be remembered in history as the year of total refusal of all the reforms which do not go in the direction of free and public education for all and at all levels…”, declared a member of a student union.
However, already since 2006 there is in Greece refusal and disobedience regarding European authorities and their national counterparts. In May-June 2006 there was the struggle against the law cadre (more of the 90% of faculties were occupied for two months). In September there was the strike of primary and secondary education teachers which lasted almost three months, coupled by the occupations of the schools by the pupils. Finally between October and November a new wave of occupations and demonstrations took place, organized by the university students following government declarations to revise article 16 of the Constitution and of the possible proposal for a new law cadre which had been frozen in June.
Article 16 must change…
The principal cause of the mobilizations was the revision of article 16 of the Greek Constitution. The constitution guarantees a state sponsored and organized free for all education. The revision proposes the creation of a market for education where the state would be a “supplier” among other private suppliers. These “suppliers” would function like non-profit associations but according to standards of the private sector (i.e. responsibilisation of consumers/students via fees, agreements with banks for student loans etc). According to the government, these standards are the way out of the dead ends which the educational system meets and in the long term would be adopted by state universities.
The support of the revision by the party in government, Nea dimikratia, and the biggest party in opposition, the Socialist Party (PASOK), made the situation very alarming. Together they represented more than 90% of the seats in Parliament, which is amply sufficient for a constitutional revision which requires ¾ of voices. The revision appeared to be an accomplished fact.
However two weeks ago the PASOK decided not to support the revision anymore. By making a political maneuver G. Papandreou, the president of the PASOK, proposed a no confidence vote to the government. He declared that the revisions suggested by the government goes too far and that the PASOK does not support the procedure any more without anticipated elections. Following long discussions, the elections will take place normally, in 2008, but the constitutional revision is given to the next legislature since the majority of the ¾ was lost.
In front of this maneuver, the movement appears relieved but also torn. Is this a victory of the movement, a partial victory or a strategic withdrawal of the PASOK under the pressure of the movement? Independently of the interpretation, a thing is sure, article 16 is largely regarded as an obstacle to the “the improvement” of the educational system, but will again be put on the agenda by one or the other party in the forthcoming government. The revision is always possible… so are the demands of the movement too. This will be long-term struggle…
While they freeze article 16 they re heat the law cadre…
Tuesday February 20, Marieta Yannakou (1), put on the table the new law cadre. This law cadre was at the base of the broad student movement of May-July 2006, which pushed the government to withdraw it. It is as if the ministry forgot what occurred last year and that it did not have enough with the six weeks of occupations, demonstrations and strikes. According to certain analyses Yannakou would profit from the fact that the movement has lasted for a long time and that it would be to blowing out of steam. She is also trying to benefit from the stakes of the movement and the occupations to make pressure: to frighten students who might miss their January-February exam session and the semester that follows.
This “new” law cadre touches at the essence of the educational system. It wants to put the educational system on the rails of the Bologna Process. Here are its biggest points (2):
Revision of university asylum: Until now university asylum protects freedom of circulation of ideas and freedom of thought on the university campus. It is forbidden that any representative of the law being present except if there is an explicit invitation by the Dean’s Council (DC) of the university, where the students have several seats. The latter can invite the law enforcement only if there are criminal acts or attacks against the asylum on the university ground. This invitation can only based on a unanimous decision of DC.
According to new law cadre, university asylum would defend the ideas and research but also the right to work for all. Thus, a strike or an occupation could be an attack against the asylum and thus a reason so that the police enters on campus. It proposes that university asylum should be limited only to the buildings where research and teaching are accomplished and not on the whole campus. The DC can invite the police force with simple majority.
Revision of the financing and the economic management of the establishments: Today higher education is a part of the Ministry for Education. It is financed by it and are managed by civil servant who are directly dependent of it. There is independence on the management and the allowance of the funds, even if they are always under control of the Ministry.
The law cadre proposes two fundamental changes which lead towards the autonomous higher education. Firstly, the creation of the post of “Secretary of the higher education” which would ensure the rationalization of procedures and the finances of the various establishments. He would be the economic manager of faculty. Secondly, the financing of the establishments would be done by the proposition of four year projects. The establishments would thus have a financing on the basis of contract with the Ministry. The principal criteria to gain the financing would be of an economic nature, the reliability of the project and that of the establishment and the application by the university of reform already introduced (for example, the ranking, the complement of diploma etc). The law cadre also encourages universities to seek alternative source of financings, either by the students or by companies.
Introduction of the financial assistance to students. Today the students do not receive financial assistance directly but indirectly. The State ensures that they pay neither tuition fees, neither books, neither food and for some nor housing. However, the law cadre proposes the introduction of a financial assistance which would be “more just”. This assistance would take the form of loans. There would be some of them which would be allotted directly by the establishments in return of the working hours of the students (with the library, administration etc) who would be equivalent to the granted sum. Others would have the form of bank loans which would be repaid after the studies.
More than one syllabus/book/manual. Until now all students in higher education received the book of reference for each class for free, on the basis of which they were examined. This procedure frequently raised the question of monopoly for the benefit of the professors that wrote them. “To break” this monopoly the law cadre proposes the introduction of a list of the several books, only one of the student’s choice, would be provided for free and the others would be paid.
Limitation of the years of studies. Following the success of the examinations of entry into higher education the students can remain in university fort as long as in needed for them to complete their degree. According to the Ministry it is because of this possibility that we find in higher education “eternal students”. The law cadre “wants to put an end” to this phenomenon and thus puts the following limit: 2v. Where “v” is the official duration of a degree. Thus, if the law cadre is voted, students whose studies last minimum four will be able to remain in university maximum eight years. It is important to stress that this is a point on which the government has backed down since May 2006 where it proposed v + 2. In addition it is the only thing which changed since the first version.
The president of the trade union of the university professors (POSDEP), L. Apekis, stated that “even if they try to embellish the law cadre and to make it pass as if it were not the monster of last year, they did not succeed. We know that the law cadre and the revision of article 16 are two phases of the same movement, the application of the Bologna Process and the Lisbon directives. We also know that the law cadre is even worse than the revision of article 16. The revision sets up the foundations of privatization, but the law cadre is the actual privatization the higher education. It is more than ever the moment to continue the struggle. ” (3)
The movement is still alive….
The movement starts to show signs of tiredness. The number of occupied faculties fell since the last week. Today we count 280 faculties occupied out of 420, in opposition to the 330 of the last week.
However in the street the situation is still filled with enthusiasm. Each week at local or national demonstrations we meet a real sea humans in the streets. The height of the massification in the streets we saw it in Thessaloniki on Tuesday February 20 and in Athens on Thursday February 22.
In Thessaloniki the Coordinating committee of the movement had decided to occupy the centre town all the day and to organize artistic events, concerts, expositions and projections. More of the 8000 people were present.
In Athens 35000 students of all Greece were in the streets at the time of the national demonstration against the law cadre and the revision of article 16. At the time of the meeting of the National Committee of Coordination of the movement which followed the demonstration there were 6000-7000 students who were present and who wanted to take part. First time this happens in the history of the movement.
The movement is in a moment of crisis. The students start to be tired and very concerned of their semester and their exams which are likely to be lost. The student organizations close to the government, the DAP, use that to create an ambience of fear to disorientate the students and to stop the movement. This week is crucial for the movement. The re-introduction the of the law cadre will it give a new dash to the movement or on the contrary will mark its end of and the first true defeat of the movement and of society?. The arm wrestling between education and government continues… nothing is decided.
Meanwhile on February 26 in Athens there is the blocking of the centre town with concerts and on Thursday March 1 still a national demonstration of all the sectors of the education system but also of the sectors of industry is taking place.
To Be continued…
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