Tonight (thursday) the free weekly cinema at the rampART is showing films related to the french riots.
During the last few weeks these riots have been used to fuel race hatred by nationalist and other right wing scum in the hope of gaining power and influence for their fascist agenda.
In France, Le Pen's Front National party has been milking the situation for all it's worth and apparently gaining support. Opinion poll commissioned by the newspaper Le Monde, suggest that only 39 percent of the French now believe that the views of the Front National party, are "unacceptable." That suggests up to 61 percent, now see Le Pen as a legitimate political candidate, along with his policies of compulsory mass expulsion of immigrants, including children born in France.
Moreover, the ideas and resentments that underpin Le Pen's message have become widespread. Nearly three out of four (73%) declared that "the traditional values of France are not adequately protected." while almost two out of three (63%), said that there are too many immigrants in France.
Le Monde also reported another poll organized by France's National Commission for the Rights of Man. It was accompanied by a confidential report to the Minister of the Interior, noting that "the word 'racist' has been liberated." Indeed it appears that the word is no longer used with shame in France. The poll found that 33% of French adults used the word 'racist' to describe themselves (in rural districts the percentage is even higher at 48%!). In the same poll a year ago, only 25 percent would call themselves 'racist.'
The poll showed that the public acceptance of racist attitudes is strongest among men, the elderly, skilled workers, small business people, company heads and workers. The report concludes that, "the end of the taboo against racism is confirmed by the finding that 63 percent of respondents said that certain behavior (by immigrants) can justify racist reactions."
Slightly less than the previous poll, this one reported that 56% thought that there were too many immigrants in France - even immigrants saying the same apparently! France has the highest proportion of immigrants in Europe with some 10 percent of the population, mostly of Islamic backgrounds in North Africa.
Racism appears to be making gains around Europe. In Belgium, the successor to the Vlaams Blok party (a party banned two years ago for it's 'extremism'), has 18% of the vote and is the second largest party in the Flemish parliament. It is also the largest party on Antwerp city where 'Mohammed' is now the most common name in new registrations of births.
http://www.upi.com/InternationalIntelligence/view.php?StoryID=20051218-092936-9999r
In the UK, the British Nazi Party have also been striving to gain support for their fascist agenda by capitalising on peoples fear after the french riots. http://www.bnp.org.uk/columnists/brimstone2.php?leeId=66 All over the internet you can find right wing websites exploiting stories of gang rape of white women by muslims men in order to fuel the race hate that gives them power.
Where the riots in france really race riots by terrorist inspired muslim youth or simply a class issue of alienation, discrimination and poverty? Whatever the answer that fact remains that tensions are growing as the cap between the haves and have nots widens under global capitalism and as the worlds finite resources are squandered at an ever increasing pace.
During the last few weeks these riots have been used to fuel race hatred by nationalist and other right wing scum in the hope of gaining power and influence for their fascist agenda.
In France, Le Pen's Front National party has been milking the situation for all it's worth and apparently gaining support. Opinion poll commissioned by the newspaper Le Monde, suggest that only 39 percent of the French now believe that the views of the Front National party, are "unacceptable." That suggests up to 61 percent, now see Le Pen as a legitimate political candidate, along with his policies of compulsory mass expulsion of immigrants, including children born in France.
Moreover, the ideas and resentments that underpin Le Pen's message have become widespread. Nearly three out of four (73%) declared that "the traditional values of France are not adequately protected." while almost two out of three (63%), said that there are too many immigrants in France.
Le Monde also reported another poll organized by France's National Commission for the Rights of Man. It was accompanied by a confidential report to the Minister of the Interior, noting that "the word 'racist' has been liberated." Indeed it appears that the word is no longer used with shame in France. The poll found that 33% of French adults used the word 'racist' to describe themselves (in rural districts the percentage is even higher at 48%!). In the same poll a year ago, only 25 percent would call themselves 'racist.'
The poll showed that the public acceptance of racist attitudes is strongest among men, the elderly, skilled workers, small business people, company heads and workers. The report concludes that, "the end of the taboo against racism is confirmed by the finding that 63 percent of respondents said that certain behavior (by immigrants) can justify racist reactions."
Slightly less than the previous poll, this one reported that 56% thought that there were too many immigrants in France - even immigrants saying the same apparently! France has the highest proportion of immigrants in Europe with some 10 percent of the population, mostly of Islamic backgrounds in North Africa.
Racism appears to be making gains around Europe. In Belgium, the successor to the Vlaams Blok party (a party banned two years ago for it's 'extremism'), has 18% of the vote and is the second largest party in the Flemish parliament. It is also the largest party on Antwerp city where 'Mohammed' is now the most common name in new registrations of births.
http://www.upi.com/InternationalIntelligence/view.php?StoryID=20051218-092936-9999r In the UK, the British Nazi Party have also been striving to gain support for their fascist agenda by capitalising on peoples fear after the french riots.
http://www.bnp.org.uk/columnists/brimstone2.php?leeId=66 All over the internet you can find right wing websites exploiting stories of gang rape of white women by muslims men in order to fuel the race hate that gives them power. Where the riots in france really race riots by terrorist inspired muslim youth or simply a class issue of alienation, discrimination and poverty? Whatever the answer that fact remains that tensions are growing as the cap between the haves and have nots widens under global capitalism and as the worlds finite resources are squandered at an ever increasing pace.
Free Community Cinema - Entry is free. Start of the films is 8pm sharp.
15 rampart street, london E! 2LA
www.rampart.co.nr
A history of violent clashes between French authorities and rioters from the "Battle of Algiers" about the Algeria's struggle for independence from France 1954-60 to the recent riots in France a couple of months ago. The feature film "Le Haine (The Hatred)" by Mathieu Kassovitz shows police brutality in the French suburbs.
Film Footage from the recent French riots (2005)
The 2005 civil unrest in France and neighboring countries was a series of riots and other forms of violent clashes between gangs of youths (predominantly of immigration background) and the French Police (as well as the police of neighboring countries). The riots, occurring simultaneously in various poor suburbs of large cities, mainly involved the burning of cars and public buildings as well as consequent clashes with police. The riots began on Thursday 27 October 2005 in the banlieues of Paris. They peaked on the night of 7 November, affecting 274 communes. On 8 November, President Jacques Chirac declared a state of emergency using a 1955 law. On 16 November, the French parliament approved a three-month extension of the state of emergency, which ended on the 4 January 2006. On 17 November, the French police declared a return to a normal situation throughout France, saying that the 98 vehicles torched the previous night corresponded to the usual average. According to the official count, 8,973 vehicles were torched during the 20 nights of rioting, with 2,888 arrests, and 126 police injured. On December 10, France's highest administrative body, the Council of State, ruled that the three-month state of emergency decreed to guarantee calm following unrest was legal. It rejected a complaint from 74 law professors (led by Frédéric Rolin) and the Green party, declaring that the conditions that led to the unrest, the quick spread of violence and the possibility that it could recur justify the state of emergency. The Council of State argued that "each night, between 40 to 60 cars are torched, and {that} we have to be cautious with New Year's Eve approaching". The complaint challenged the state of emergency's necessity, and said it compromised fundamental liberties
The Battle of Algiers (1965)
The film depicts an episode in the war of independence in the then French colony of Algeria, in the capital city of Algiers. It is loosely based on the account of one of the military commanders of the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN), Saadi Yacef, in his memoir Souvenirs de la Bataille d'Alger. The book, written by Yacef while a prisoner of the French, was meant as propaganda to boost morale among FLN militants. After independence, Yacef was released and became a part of the new government. The Algerian government gave its backing to have a film version of his memoirs made, and he approached the Italian director Gillo Pontecorvo and screenwriter Franco Solinas with the proposed project. The two dismissed Yacef's initial treatment as too biased toward the Algerian side. While openly sympathetic with the cause of Algerian nationalism, they insisted on dealing with the events from a distanced point-of-view.
The film reconstructs the events of November 1954 to December 1960 in Algiers during the Algerian War of Independence, beginning with the organization of revolutionary cells in the Casbah. From there, it depicts a widening conflict between native Algerians and French colonists in which the two sides exchange acts of intensifying violence, leading to the introduction of French paratroopers to root out the FLN. The paratroops are depicted as "winning" the battle by neutralizing the whole FLN leadership through assassination or capture. However, the film ends with a coda, depicting demonstrations and rioting by native Algerians for independence, in which it is suggested that though the French have won the Battle of Algiers, they have lost a wider war.
The narrative is composed mostly by illustrations of the tactics of both the FLN insurgency and the French counter insurgency, as well as the uglier incidents in the national liberation struggle. It unflinchingly shows atrocities being committed by both sides against civilians. The FLN is shown taking over the Casbah through use of summary execution of native Algierian criminals and others considered traitors, as well as using terrorism to harass civilian French colonials. The French colonialists are shown using lynch mobs and indiscriminate violence against natives. Paratroops are shown employing torture, intimidation, and murder to combat the FLN and MNA insurgents.
Refraining from the conventions of the historical epic, Pontecorvo and Solinas chose not to focus the narrative on one protagonist, but several characters based on figures active in the conflict. The film begins and ends from the point of view of Ali la Pointe, played by Brahim Hagiag, who corresponds to the historical figure of the same name. He is a common criminal radicalized while in prison and is recruited to the FLN by military commander El-hadi Jafar, a fictionalized version of Saadi Yacef played by himself.
Other main protagonists include the young boy Petit Omar, a street urchin who serves as a messenger for the FLN; Larbi Ben M'hidi, one of the top leaders of the FLN, who is used in the film mainly to give the political rationale for the insurgency; Halima, Zohra, and Hassiba, a trio of female FLN militants called to carry out a revenge attack. In addition, The Battle of Algiers used thousands of Algerian extras in bit parts and crowd shots; the effect Pontecorvo intended was to create the impression of the Casbah's residents as a "choral" protagonist, communicating to the viewer through chanting, wailing, and physical affect.
The Algerian revolution has been called by many the bloodiest revolution in the history of the world and is often credited as the beginning of bloody post-World War II colonial revolutions, which also include the revolutions against the French in the Vietnam War. Although the revolutionary forces in Algiers were ultimately routed by the French Army, the long and bloody conflict throughout the country led to the French withdrawal from Algeria. This French loss was the first in a series of humiliating French defeats in colonial wars. As leftists, the theme of showing the inevitable demise of colonialism as an instrument of Western imperialism was central to Pontecorvo and Solinas's treatment of The Battle of Algiers.
Haine, La (1995)
It is a dark urban thriller which has been called France's answer to Do the Right Thing. It explores themes of racism, violence and disaffected youth in modern suburban Paris. A riot has broken out in a slum, and been quelled by the police. The film depicts 24 hours in the lives of three teenage friends in that slum.
Injured by a police inspector during an interrogation, Abdel is at a hospital, almost dead. In the suburbs where he lives, some riots happened during the night, and one policeman lost his gun. One of Abdel's friends, Vinz, finds it. He swears that if Abdel dies, he will shoot a policeman...
The film was a huge commercial success and provoked much debate in France over its unflinching presentation of urban and police violence. The then-prime minister Alain Juppé was reported to have arranged a special screening and ordered his entire cabinet to watch the film; police guards at the screening are said to have turned their backs on the film in protest of its portrayal of police brutality. Kassovitz won the Best Director award at the Cannes Film Festival in 1996 and the movie was nominated for the Palme d'Or; the film also picked up the César Award for Best Picture.
15 rampart street, london E! 2LA
www.rampart.co.nr
A history of violent clashes between French authorities and rioters from the "Battle of Algiers" about the Algeria's struggle for independence from France 1954-60 to the recent riots in France a couple of months ago. The feature film "Le Haine (The Hatred)" by Mathieu Kassovitz shows police brutality in the French suburbs.
Film Footage from the recent French riots (2005)
The 2005 civil unrest in France and neighboring countries was a series of riots and other forms of violent clashes between gangs of youths (predominantly of immigration background) and the French Police (as well as the police of neighboring countries). The riots, occurring simultaneously in various poor suburbs of large cities, mainly involved the burning of cars and public buildings as well as consequent clashes with police. The riots began on Thursday 27 October 2005 in the banlieues of Paris. They peaked on the night of 7 November, affecting 274 communes. On 8 November, President Jacques Chirac declared a state of emergency using a 1955 law. On 16 November, the French parliament approved a three-month extension of the state of emergency, which ended on the 4 January 2006. On 17 November, the French police declared a return to a normal situation throughout France, saying that the 98 vehicles torched the previous night corresponded to the usual average. According to the official count, 8,973 vehicles were torched during the 20 nights of rioting, with 2,888 arrests, and 126 police injured. On December 10, France's highest administrative body, the Council of State, ruled that the three-month state of emergency decreed to guarantee calm following unrest was legal. It rejected a complaint from 74 law professors (led by Frédéric Rolin) and the Green party, declaring that the conditions that led to the unrest, the quick spread of violence and the possibility that it could recur justify the state of emergency. The Council of State argued that "each night, between 40 to 60 cars are torched, and {that} we have to be cautious with New Year's Eve approaching". The complaint challenged the state of emergency's necessity, and said it compromised fundamental liberties
The Battle of Algiers (1965)
The film depicts an episode in the war of independence in the then French colony of Algeria, in the capital city of Algiers. It is loosely based on the account of one of the military commanders of the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN), Saadi Yacef, in his memoir Souvenirs de la Bataille d'Alger. The book, written by Yacef while a prisoner of the French, was meant as propaganda to boost morale among FLN militants. After independence, Yacef was released and became a part of the new government. The Algerian government gave its backing to have a film version of his memoirs made, and he approached the Italian director Gillo Pontecorvo and screenwriter Franco Solinas with the proposed project. The two dismissed Yacef's initial treatment as too biased toward the Algerian side. While openly sympathetic with the cause of Algerian nationalism, they insisted on dealing with the events from a distanced point-of-view.
The film reconstructs the events of November 1954 to December 1960 in Algiers during the Algerian War of Independence, beginning with the organization of revolutionary cells in the Casbah. From there, it depicts a widening conflict between native Algerians and French colonists in which the two sides exchange acts of intensifying violence, leading to the introduction of French paratroopers to root out the FLN. The paratroops are depicted as "winning" the battle by neutralizing the whole FLN leadership through assassination or capture. However, the film ends with a coda, depicting demonstrations and rioting by native Algerians for independence, in which it is suggested that though the French have won the Battle of Algiers, they have lost a wider war.
The narrative is composed mostly by illustrations of the tactics of both the FLN insurgency and the French counter insurgency, as well as the uglier incidents in the national liberation struggle. It unflinchingly shows atrocities being committed by both sides against civilians. The FLN is shown taking over the Casbah through use of summary execution of native Algierian criminals and others considered traitors, as well as using terrorism to harass civilian French colonials. The French colonialists are shown using lynch mobs and indiscriminate violence against natives. Paratroops are shown employing torture, intimidation, and murder to combat the FLN and MNA insurgents.
Refraining from the conventions of the historical epic, Pontecorvo and Solinas chose not to focus the narrative on one protagonist, but several characters based on figures active in the conflict. The film begins and ends from the point of view of Ali la Pointe, played by Brahim Hagiag, who corresponds to the historical figure of the same name. He is a common criminal radicalized while in prison and is recruited to the FLN by military commander El-hadi Jafar, a fictionalized version of Saadi Yacef played by himself.
Other main protagonists include the young boy Petit Omar, a street urchin who serves as a messenger for the FLN; Larbi Ben M'hidi, one of the top leaders of the FLN, who is used in the film mainly to give the political rationale for the insurgency; Halima, Zohra, and Hassiba, a trio of female FLN militants called to carry out a revenge attack. In addition, The Battle of Algiers used thousands of Algerian extras in bit parts and crowd shots; the effect Pontecorvo intended was to create the impression of the Casbah's residents as a "choral" protagonist, communicating to the viewer through chanting, wailing, and physical affect.
The Algerian revolution has been called by many the bloodiest revolution in the history of the world and is often credited as the beginning of bloody post-World War II colonial revolutions, which also include the revolutions against the French in the Vietnam War. Although the revolutionary forces in Algiers were ultimately routed by the French Army, the long and bloody conflict throughout the country led to the French withdrawal from Algeria. This French loss was the first in a series of humiliating French defeats in colonial wars. As leftists, the theme of showing the inevitable demise of colonialism as an instrument of Western imperialism was central to Pontecorvo and Solinas's treatment of The Battle of Algiers.
Haine, La (1995)
It is a dark urban thriller which has been called France's answer to Do the Right Thing. It explores themes of racism, violence and disaffected youth in modern suburban Paris. A riot has broken out in a slum, and been quelled by the police. The film depicts 24 hours in the lives of three teenage friends in that slum.
Injured by a police inspector during an interrogation, Abdel is at a hospital, almost dead. In the suburbs where he lives, some riots happened during the night, and one policeman lost his gun. One of Abdel's friends, Vinz, finds it. He swears that if Abdel dies, he will shoot a policeman...
The film was a huge commercial success and provoked much debate in France over its unflinching presentation of urban and police violence. The then-prime minister Alain Juppé was reported to have arranged a special screening and ordered his entire cabinet to watch the film; police guards at the screening are said to have turned their backs on the film in protest of its portrayal of police brutality. Kassovitz won the Best Director award at the Cannes Film Festival in 1996 and the movie was nominated for the Palme d'Or; the film also picked up the César Award for Best Picture.
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