Call for conference of principled Trotskyists and revolutionary organisations

Call for an International Conference of the Principled Trotskyists and the Revolutionary Workers' Organizations

The revolutionary organizations that jointly wrote and signed this document – Lucha Marxista of Peru, Groupe Bolchevik of France, the Communist Workers' Group of New Zealand, the Grupo Obrero Iinternacionalista (CI) of Chile and the Liga Obrera Internacionalista (CI)-Democracia Obrera of Argentina – agree to call, on the basis of the principles and the programmatic lessons contained in it, an International Conference of Principled Trotskyists and revolutionary workers’ organizations.

We met in the Congress of the COTP-CI in Buenos Aires in December 2002 and, during the heat of the Argentinean revolution, the heroic fight of the Palestinian people and of the preparations for the war against Iraq, we decided to launch a call for an International Conference on the basis of revolutionary lesson and essential programmatic agreements on these crucial facts of the world class struggle. A first result of these agreements and this common fight, was the joint declaration before the war against Iraq, published on January 22nd, 2003, raising a principled and internationalist position against it, and concentrating the struggle against the treacherous leaderships grouped in the World Social Forum – a real counter-revolutionary international – and against those revisionist Trotskyists and the liquidators of the Fourth International currents whether they are subordinated to the WSF or not.
In the few months since then, the world proletariat has entered into new struggles and suffered new defeats and repeated betrayals such as in Iraq, in Palestine, in Argentina, in Bolivia, in Venezuela.
We, the revolutionary internationalists, must firmly say that the partial victories won by the counter-revolution and the bourgeois-imperialist reaction are not because of the lack of heroism of the exploited in these fights, nor because of the technical and military advances of the genocidal imperialist troops, but the betrayals of the treacherous leaders of our class.
The revolutionary upsurge at the end the 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s was a world wide process: the mobilization of youth and workers in China; the anti-bureaucratic revolution in Czechoslovakia; the war fought by the Vietnamese people; the general strike in France; the large scale strikes in Italy; the victorious miners' strike in Great Britain,; the national movements in Ireland and the Basque Country; the students' movement in Mexico; the revolution in Bolivia; the Cordobazo in Argentina; the fight of the Blacks and anti-war movement in the United States; the revolutions in Chile and Portugal; and so on. But this wave was contained and betrayed by the bourgeois or petty-bourgeois nationalists and the treacherous leaderships of the workers' movement.
From the 1980s, new defeats inflicted on the world revolution allowed the bourgeoisies of the imperialist countries to take the offensive again. A critical turning point was the defeat of the British miners in 1985, but the decisive event was the destruction of the USSR in 1991 and the subsequent restoration of capitalism in the former USSR and Eastern Europe by the Stalinist bureaucracy which had usurped workers' power from 1924.
This historical victory of the world bourgeoisie encouraged American imperialism to lead the coalitions that crushed Iraq in 1991, the Balkans in 1999, Afghanistan in 2002, and Iraq again in 2003.
But the imperialist powers cannot stabilise the situation. At the end of the 20th century, the Palestinean Intifada that began in 1987; the mass demonstrations in East Germany and in China in 1989; the strikes of November-December 1995 in France; the strikes of 1997 in South Korea; the revolutions of Albania and Indonesia in 1997; came one after the other. The 21st century began with powerful mobilizations of the masses, such as the heroic struggle in Palestine in 2000, the revolution in Argentina in 2001, and the rising in Bolivia in 2003. The imperialist mobilisation for war on Iraq was answered by an enormous anti-imperialist mobilization of the masses all over the world, that reveberated in the heartlands of the imperialist countries. Today the workers of Europe put up a fierce resistance to the liquidation of the historic gains won during preceding revolutionary advances.
It is necessary to tell the truth to the masses, no matter how hard and cruel: the defeats, the retreats in the revolutionary processes, the military defeats of the oppressed nations, they all resulted from the treachery of the existing leaderships of the proletariat and the exploited masses, which are in most cases, grouped in the World Social Forum today.
Imperialism, with this succession of counterrevolutionary victories, is looking for a way-out from the world economic crisis, by making the world working class and oppressed peoples produce more surplus-value. At the same time each imperialist country is competing against its rivals for the resources and markets of the colonies, semi-colonies of Latin America, Asia, Africa and the Middle East, and the former workers’ states. It has to be seen yet whether imperialism can resolve its crisis by these means. To achieve this the counter-revolutionary leaderships of all kinds must consolidate the triumph of the counter-revolution by forcing the masses to the conclusion that imperialism cannot be defeated, and therefore must be accommodated.
Therefore, the immediate perspective for revolutionaries in the current world situation is dictated by the reality the working class is experiencing of the wars, economic crises and sharpening of the class antagonisms of the imperialist epoch.
We believe that under these new conditions it is necessary, on the basis of the revolutionary lessons of the many struggles, of the defeats and the betrayals suffered by the world proletariat, to clearly separate the reformists, liquidationists and centrists from the revolutionary internationalists, and to prepare the international proletariat for the coming battles, as the imperialist counter-offensive begun in the mid 1980s, now sharpens against the working class, the workers' states, and the oppressed peoples of the world.

Under these conditions of economic crisis, war, and revolution, the struggle of revolutionary internationalists to unite on the basis of these lessons and a revolutionary program to prepare for the coming struggles, is a task of utmost urgency.

Today the imperialist war against Iraq –as before it the heroic Palestinian struggle and the Argentinean revolution –has established a new Rubicon not only of the treacherous workers’ leaders, but also of the revisionists of Trotskyism who provide a ‘left cover’ for the class traitors. The various wings of the liquidators of the Fourth International cling to the shirt tails of the UN and the French and German imperialists, collaborate with the stinking corpse of Stalinism and social democracy, with the national bourgeoisie as in Venezuela, and with the radical petty bourgeois nationalist movements such as Hizbollah and Hamas.
In the Argentinean revolution, they are the enemies of the struggle of the masses to create armed, self-organising mass organs based on direct democracy, and they use the minimal and democratic demands of the revolutionary program as a chain around the neck of the masses. They became the servants of the stinking remains of Stalinism and supporters of the notorious, hated regime.
In Brazil, the revisionist currents of Trotskyism and liquidationists of the Fourth International have openly supported and called workers to vote for the class collaborationist government of Lula-Alencar, and some ministers, governors and Secretaries of State of the Brazilian reactionary regime come from their ranks.
In France, these currents support of the imperialist regime of the Fifth Republic: they have openly called workers to vote for "the lesser evil", for Chirac against Le Pen; or they have supported it by of refusing to fight for an election boycott and for a general strike before the second round of the elections. In France, in Spain, in Italy, in Great Britain, etc., these currents are completely subordinated to social democracy, to the new parties of recycled Stalinists, and to the workers’ aristocracy and the trade-union bureaucracies.
These are only some examples how the liquidators of the Fourth International have crossed the Rubicon. These liquidationist and revisionist currents do not leave in place one stone of the theory and the program of revolutionary Marxism. Their bankruptcy is complete.
Because of this bankrupcty we must extract the revolutionary lessons from the past struggles and the betrayals we have suffered. We must prevent the flags of Trotskyism and of revolutionary Marxism from remaining in the hands of these misleading usurpers. We must unite the dispersed ranks of revolutionary internationalists. We must fight to set up Leninist combat parties, and to build a revolutionary international. To achieve all of this, is it necessary to convene an international conference to re-group the healthy forces of the workers’ movement and in particular of those who say they continue to fight for Trotskyism and the Fourth International.
Those who call for this Conference all come from the splits in the Fourth International, and we still have differences that we will publicly debate in our press in the period before this International Conference. The most significant of these differences is over the present character of the revolutionary international.
For the comrades of the CWG of New Zealand, it is necessary to struggle for a new Fifth International. The comrades of the Groupe Bolshevik of France and of Lucha Marxista of Peru say that the organization built by Trotsky, the Fourth International, is dead, but its program is still alive and that militants and regroupments are still seeking to apply the program for the world socialist revolution. Consequently they raise the algebraic expression "for the revolutionary workers’ International" saying that it will be the debate and conscious action of the living forces building this international that will determine its concrete form.
For the Argentinean and Chilean comrades of the COPT-CI, the fight today, more than ever, is for the regeneration and the refoundation of the Fourth International. The theory and program retains their validity and actuality and have passed the test of history. It is the the usurpers and renegades of Trotskyism who have not passed this test. Therefore, it is the validity and actuality of its theory, program and strategy that determines the number of an International, as has been demonstrated several times by the experience of the world proletariat since the middle of the 19th century.
But we will discuss these differences –and others that exist before the International Conference –within a common international bulletin, since we are linked by our programatic agreements facing the explosive events of the international situation: of crisis, revolution and war. So, we are far from any centrist alchemy and from signing agreements with those who will then go away and betray the proletariat.
Therefore, we call for an International Conference to go forward towards setting up an International Center of Revolutionary Marxism. The program we promote here for this Conference is not written for small circles of intellectuals or for the editorial boards of Marxist papers. It is a program that we undertake to develop –and to fight for it –in the heart of the workers’ organizations in our countries. Hundreds of workers’ and class struggle organizations are affiliated to the World Social Forum, tied to the the UN and the French and German imperialists by their treacherous leaderships. Our fight will be to win mass support for this revolutionary program from the combat organizations of the working class. They will have an honoured place beside the revolutionary Trotskyists.
The epoch of crises, wars and revolutions will not allow the would-be liquidators of Marxism and of the Fourth International to rest in peace. Our forces are very weak, but our program and the ideas that we defend are the fruit of more than 150 years of struggle by the world proletariat. They deserve to live, and sooner rather than later, they will be adopted by the many millions of exploited who enter into class combat.
Long live the struggle for an International Conference of the healthy forces of Trotskyism and of the revolutionary internationalist workers’ organizations!

July 2003

Collective for an International Conference of the Principled Trotskyism

 Communist Workers’ Group (New Zealand)
 Groupe Bolchevik pour la construction du Parti ouvrier révolutionnaire, de l'Internationale ouvrière révolutionnaire (France)
 Grupo Obrero Internacionalista Cuarta Internacional (Chile)
 Liga Obrera Internacionalista Cuarta Internacional - Democracia Obrera (Argentina)
 Lucha Marxista (Peru)

Programatic agreements for an International Conference

We call for an International Conference, in which groups, fractions, militants, who are for the following principles and programmatic points, will be able to take part:

(1) All kinds of pseudotheories have been adopted or invented by the revisionists to explain that decadent capitalism can overcome its crises and develop the productive forces without limits: “technical and scientific revolution”, “monopoly state capitalism”, “neocapitalism”, “the permanent arms economy”, “neoliberal globalization”, “new economy” etc. Against all these false theories, we affirm that for the whole imperialist epoch, capitalism has already exhausted its progressive role and is reactionary through and through. The current imperialist counteroffensive and the war against Iraq is proof that this capitalist system in its dying, destructive, imperialist phase, survives only by ferociously exploiting wage earners, and casting millions of workers out of production where they are condemned to misery, destroying the productive forces by means of economic crises and wars, each time more parastic and destructive than the last, and threatening to destroy the whole of human civilization.
(2) All the imperialist powers, in the present crisis phase and the recurrent failure of the world economy – that since 1997 has struck from Asia and Japan, to Brazil and Russia, to Argentina and Turkey, and has now arrived at the heart of the United States itself – as well as exploiting their own working classes, urgently need cheap sources of commodities, slave labor and reserves of unemployed to boost their superprofits by superexploiting the colonial and semicolonial world, so that they can resolve the present crisis and restore the rate of profit. The present colonising offensive of US imperialism is for a new repartition of the world at the expense of the imperialist powers of the second or third order. The second war against Iraq carried out by the US and Britain, despite the opposition of France and Germany, illustrates the inevitable increasing rivalry among the imperialist powers. If the revolutionary proletariat does not stop it first, capitalism will take humanity to new depths of barbarism beyond that seen in the 20th century.
(3) Revolutionaries must join forces militarily in the trenches of every oppressed nation attacked by imperialism, and be for the military victory of that nation and for the military defeat of imperialism. But we fight for the proletarian leadership of the war, and to transform that national war into a socialist revolution both in the country attacked and also in the aggressor imperialist nation. We proclaim to all who will listen, that those who, in the imperialist countries, are not unconditionally for the defeat of their own imperialism and for the victory of the working class and of the oppressed nations, are neither revolutionary nor anti-imperialist. We call on the US working class, today confined in a straight jacket by the national patriotic politics of the AFL-CIO, and the Japanese and European working classes, to fight to break the subordination of workers organizations to the imperialist bougeoisie and to ally with its class brothers and sisters in the colonial and semicolonial countries, to overthrow the their own imperialist bourgeoisies, their governments and their states, on the road to the socialist revolution.
(4) We fight against the reactionary utopia of a united capitalist Europe, and we call on the European working class to oust the monarchy and the reactionary government of Aznar in Spain, the Gaullist 5th Republic in France, the anti-worker imperialist government of the united Germany, and the monarchy and the the imperialist government of Tony Blair in Great Britain, etc. In other words, we call on all to defeat the governments and the states of the imperialist powers, by overthrowing the bourgeoisie, by demolishing the bourgeois state and putting in place Workers and working Farmers’ governments in these countries, opening the road to the United Socialist States of Europe.
(5) We reaffirm the validity of the theory and program of Permanent Revolution, against the policy of the "united anti-imperialist front" refuted after the tragedy of the Chinese Revolution in 1927. We support the widest anti-imperialist unity for action which takes even a small step forward in the struggle against imperialism for the working class and the exploited, always maintaining our absolute independence and political intransigent before all bourgeois currents in opposition or in government. Every semi-colonial bourgeoisie is necessarily pro-imperialist. As the smaller partners of the imperialists they can haggle over the surplus-value extracted from the workers of their own countries, but, because they are an exploiting class, they are more afraid of the proletarian revolution than of the victory of the imperialists. Bourgeois or petty bourgeois nationalism, secular or clerical, always gives up the national struggle against imperialism and contains the proletariat and the masses under the yoke of capitalist exploitation. We fight for the overthrowing of the bourgeoisie and for the imposition of a Workers' and Peasants' government, because the only class that can liberate the oppressed nation from the domination of imperialism is the working class, leading the peasants and the exploited and oppressed masses.
(6) We denounce the surrender of the Iraqi bourgeoisie and of Saddam’s anti-worker officers and the Republican Guard before the imperialists attack, for betraying the national war of the Iraqi people and the anti-imperialist struggle of the masses of every Middle Eastern country, which today allows many leaders of the Ba’ath bourgeois nationalist party to collaborate with the Yankee and British occupiers. We denounce the bourgeois nationalist leaders of the oppressed Kurdish people because they were the allies of the invading yankees and British in their war of colonial occupation against Iraq, and who will deepen the oppression and crush every struggle of the people for their legitimate right to national self-determination, including their right to secede from Iraq, Turkey, Syria and Iran. We denounce the governments and states of the Persian and Arabian bourgeoisies of the Middle East, who kept “neutral” in the war against Iraq, refusing to constitute, against the imperialist military coalition, a coalition of all the oppressed nations of the Middle East to send arms, military equipment and supplies to fight against imperialism in Iraq.
(7) We denounce the Palestinian bourgeoisie and its political leadership, the PLO of Arafat, who gave up the revolutionary struggle of the Palestinian people and who kneel down before imperialism, before the "two states" plan of the UN and before Zionism. The Palestinian bourgeoisie wants to administer a caricature of a State as an agent of imperialism, in exchange for the blood of the martyred people. We declare war against all the treacherous leaderships and the renegades of Trotskyism who support the Zionist State of Israel by endorsing the counter-revolutionary policy of "two states" of the UN and the imperialists. We fight for the destruction of the State of Israel and for a secular, democratic and non-racist Palestinian State with a Workers’ and Peasants’ Government of the self-organized and armed Palestinian masses, on the road to a Federation of Socialist Republics of the Middle-East.
(8) We denounce Chávez and his Bolivariano Movement for giving up the anti-imperialist struggle of the Venezuelan masses. Chávez sat at the negotiating table with the USA, with governments like that of Lula, and with "ambassadors of democracy" such as Carter and Alfonsín, and signed an agreement in which everything the imperialist and putchist reaction had not been able to achieve in the streets in two counter-revolutionary attempts, was then handed over to them. We denounce also in Bolivia, the truce made by the COB, Quispe and Morales – leader of the WSF – with the murderous government of Sánchez de Lozada, thereby preventing the working class and the peasants from making the uprising they started last February victorious. In Colombia, for years, the truces and agreements of the FARC with the successive genocidal governments of this country have isolated the peasants’ war in the country from the proletariat in the cities who face the fascists "death squadrons". At the same time, the Stalinist leadership of the FARC refuses to expropriate a single oil well, or a millimetre of territory that it controls. Down with the truces and the agreements! For the independence of the workers’ organizations from the regimes, governments and lackey bourgeoisies! Only with such a proletarian strategy will we be able to set up a workers’ and peasants’ movement that, united with its class brothers, the American workers, fight to put an end to the slavery and misery in the "backyard" of Yankee imperialism. It is from this perspective that we raise the cry: Yankees out of Cuba, Ecuador; Puerto Rico, Colombia and the whole Latin America! Out with the European powers who are as much exploiters and oppressors as the yankees! British out of the Malvinas! For a Federation of Socialist Republics of Latin America!
(9) We call the Russian working class to take up again the road of the Red workers, soldiers and peasants who in October 1917 made the first triumphant workers’ Socialist republic. The fight to create new workers’ states in the territories of the former USSR is an urgent task for the European and the world proletariat. We fight against Kim Song II of the North Korea, Fidel Castro and the Cuban restorationist bureaucracy, and with the new restorationist Chinese bourgeois, who adopted the reactionary and anti-worker pseudo-theory of "market socialism" which, as is shown by the brutal exploitation of the Chinese working class, and by the advance of restorationist measures in Cuba, and the submission of the Argentinean working class, is the counter-revolutionary policy of the World Social Forum to make the working class subservient to the capitalists. At the same time, in the case of the bureaucratized workers' states that still remain in existence, we unconditionally defend them from imperialism, in order to better overthrow the bureaucracies that are anxious to restore capitalism in these states.
(10) We declare war on all those leaderships that cling to the shirt tails of the bourgeoisie, on their policy of class collaboration and their "popular fronts". History has proved time and time again that conciliation of class interests between the capitalists and the workers leads to the defeat and massacre of the masses. There is no possibility of improving the situation of the world proletariat as a whole nor the emancipation of any exploited class by submitting to the interests of any faction of the exploiters.
(11) We denounce and declare war on all the servants of the UN, including the majority of the renegades of Trotskyism who kneel before it. They follow their new leader Gladys Marin of the treacherous Chilean Stalinists, General Secretary of the Latin American Communist Parties Conference that meets twice a year. She is the spokeswoman for Fidel Castro, who abandoned the Chilean revolution in 1973, the Central American revolution in the 80s, and who also went to Argentina to support Kirchner against the revolution. Fidel Castro and Gladys Marin, mainstays of the World Social Forum, have declared that "another world is possible" without expropriating the capitalists, and continuing the exploitation of the working class. They call for the "redistribution of wealth" just as do the liberal democrats, hands in hand with the UN, the “thieves kitchen” of the imperialist gangsters. The same UN that approved the first war against Iraq, the genocidal blockade, and today is trying to get back into Iraq to defend the interests of the French and German imperialists. The same UN that in 1948 established the occupation of Palestine and the creation of the State of Israel, and which today supports the Zionist massacre of the Palestinian people with its policy of "two states". The same UN that promoted and supported the war against Korea in 1950, etc.
(12) We proclaim that, as it has been clearly demonstrated by the Argentinean revolution, in a pre-revolutionary or revolutionary situation the basis of any revolutionary program must be direct democracy and self-determination to enable the development, extension, centralization and arming of the masses’ organizations, such as the popular assemblies, the occupied factories, the commissions of the factories won from trade-union bureaucracy and the piquetero movement, which are expressions of the movement of the masses to create organs of dual power. In other words, when a revolution starts, those who do not fight for power and for the creation of Workers and Peasants Governments are no more than the servants of the bourgeois state. This is why in the Congress of the COTP-CI we put forward the demand: “For a government of the Third National Assembly of workers, unemployed and popular assemblies, with their self-defense organs!”
(13) We declare war on the pacifism that infects the consciousness of the working class. We also oppose the petty-bourgeois policy of individual terrorism that separates itself from the masses and disarms the masses. The uprising of the Bolivian working class and peasants with their cry: "Guns and grapeshot, Bolivians will not stay silent", shows the necessity to arm the proletariat. The bourgeois and counter-revolutionary leaderships prevent the arming of the proletariat, the formation of workers’ militia, and the destruction of the officer strata of the bourgeois armed forces. This has been proved in Palestine where Arafat and the bourgeois leadership of the PLO, along with Hamas and Hizbollah, prevent the generalised arming of the Palestinian people and sacrifice them to the murderous Sharon and his genocidal army. Despite this, we defend all anti-imperialist fighters against repression and demand the liberation of all anti-imperialist fighters in the world.
(14) Everywhere we confront the bureaucracies of all shades in the workers' organizations, bribed and corrupted by large capital; the bourgeois nationalists, social democrats and Stalinist trade-union bureaucrats, paid by the State to confine the workers to their narrow economistic interests and to the interests of the bourgeoisie and imperialism; the leaderships of the organizations of piqueteros that dominate the Argentinean working class, now begging for crumbs from the reformists, and that prevent the unity of the occupied workers and the unemployed and divide the workers ranks. The trade unions that were created to defend the economic interests of the workers, have been transformed, over several decades by the trade-union bureaucracy coming out of the aristocracy of labour, into apparatuses where the bureacuracy is paid to collaborate with the bourgeoisie and its state to subordinate and impoverish the workers. We Trotskyists fight in the trade unions to eliminate the bureaucracy, and to win workers' democracy. We affirm that this is not possible without fighting for the complete independence of the workers' organizations from the bourgeois state that incorporates and corrupts them. We fight to impose workers' democracy based on the factory committees and the strike pickets; for renewing the leadership of the trade unions by resolutely putting up militant delegates at critical times to form a revolutionary leadership in the trade unions.
(15) We proclaim that any people that collaborates in the oppression of another people is unable to liberate itself. The imperialist bourgeoisies oppress what remains of their colonial empire (Puerto Rico, Northern Ireland, Martinique, Guadeloupe, New Caledonia…) and occupies again dominated countries (Bosnia, Afghanistan, Iraq…). We are for the independence of all protectorates and all colonies from imperialism. We are for the national rights of those peoples kept under armed oppression within bourgeois states (Basques, Kurds, Kabyles, Tamouls…). We categorically support the oppressed and invaded Chechyen nation against the genocide it suffers at the hands of the troops of the white counter-revolutionary army of Putin and the Russian bourgeoisie, today the agents of imperialism. We are for the unconditional right of national self-determination of all oppressed peoples, including the right to separate if the majority demands that right. In no case do we adapt ourselves to bourgeois or petty bourgeois nationalism. Only the recognition of the right of the self-determination of the oppressed people ensures the unity of the proletariat. For the same reason, we pronounce ourselves for the freedom of movement and settlement of workers, and for the complete equality of rights of all workers.
(16) We reaffirm the validity of Leninism–Trotskyism, of the program of Fourth International, as the continuity of that school of revolutionary strategy founded by the Third International of Lenin and Trotsky. It is from this strategic position that we call all the currents that say they fight for the interests of the working class, to break with the bourgeoisie and to start the struggle for power based on the autonomous and armed organizations of the masses. In the process of this combat, we are prepared to enter all united fronts and united actions with any workers' current ready to make even a single step forwards to advance our class. But as Lenin would say: while we are ready to strike together, we march separately. Before, during and after any such action we will not weaken our criticism of the reformist leaderships that are obliged to leave their luxurious offices and to put themselves at the head of the action of masses.
(17) The social democrat and Stalinist reformists poison the workers with the claim that capitalism can be reformed by means of the bourgeois state. It is useful for the plans of the bourgeoisie that the political apparatuses of social democracy and of the trade unions allies with it through "participatory" or "popular" democracy and manages their state to prevent the proletarian revolution. Social democrats and Stalinists are agents bought by the capitalist enemy.
(18) Pseudo-Trotskyist centrism has claimed to be revolutionary for fifty years while in practice it was subordinated to the reformist apparatuses. The Pabloist IC-USEC, the Lambertist IC-AIT, the Morenoist LIT, UIT, MAS and CITO, the Hardyist UCI-LO, the Cliffite IST, the Grantist ICT or The Militant, Altamiraist CI, the Loraist POR, etc., represent tedencies that have broken from Trotskyism into the camp of reformism.
(19) Social democracy, Stalinism and the trade-union bureaucracies have liquidated the most elementary principles and morals of the class. The centrists, revisionists and liquidators of the Fourth International are following in their path. The proletariat wants staunchness, honesty, loyalty, and the broadest workers' democracy. To discuss, to decide and to act, workers and youth must expell from the workers' organizations the method of lies, misrepresentation, and physical violence introduced by these leaderships who try to suppress or conceal the political differences inside the workers' movement
(20) We affirm that the 21st century has begun in the same way the 20th century finished: as an epoch of crises, wars and revolutions, highlighting all the characteristics of capitalism in decomposition. Against all the revisionists of Trotskyism who want to put the responsibility for the defeats on the masses and to hide their own capitulations and treacheries by saying that the problem is the "crisis of subjectivity" of the masses, or its "backward consciousness", we state that the start of 21st century confirms the central premise of the program of the Communist International and of the Fourth International: without a social revolution in the next historical period, all of human civilization is threatened by catastrophe. Everything depends on the proletariat, and on its revolutionary leadership: the historical crisis of humanity is reduced to the crisis of revolutionary leadership.
(21) Those who call for this International Conference, proclaim the necessity for revolutionary internationalists to build revolutionary workers' parties and the world party of the socialist revolution, from the forces emerging out of the struggle of the masses. With such organizations, the proletarian insurrection will be able to triumph, world revolution will succeed, and socialism will be able to develop.