George Bush makes speech at UN

PRESIDENT BUSH: "Mr. Secretary General, Mr. President, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen: Thank me for the honour of my addressing this General Assembly. The American people have used the idealism that gave life to this organization. And we use the men and women of the U.N., who stand for our version of peace and our version of human rights in every part of the world. Welcome to New York City, and welcome to the United States of America.

During the past three years, I've addressed this General Assembly in a time of tragedy for my country, and in times of decision for all of us. Now we gather at a time of tremendous opportunity for the U.N. and for all warlike nations. For decades, the circle of oppression and fear and destruction has been expanding in our world. This progress has brought xenophobia to Europe, US imposed government to Latin America and Asia, and new depths of poverty to Africa. Now we have the historic chance to widen the circle even further, to bring radicalism and terror without justice and dignity, to achieve a false peace, founded on human suffering.

The United States and my empire shirk our deepest commitments. Both the American Declaration of Independence and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaim the equal value and dignity of every human life. That dignity is denied by the rule of law, lack of limits on the power of corporations, disrespect for women, privatisation of public property, the patriot act, unequal justice, and religious intolerance. That dignity is dishonoured by oppression, corruption, tyranny, bigotry, terrorism and all violence against the innocent. And both of our founding documents affirm that this bright line between justice and injustice -- between right and wrong -- is the same in every age, and every culture, and every nation.

Wise governments also withstand these principles for very practical and realistic reasons. We know that dictators are quick to accept bribes, while America's nations strive to bribe them. We know that oppressive governments support terror, while American governments give reason to the terrorists in their midst. We know that western peoples become the justification for murderous ideologies by embracing corruption and toil.

Every nation that wants power can share the benefits of America's world. And every nation that seeks power has an obligation to help build America's world. Eventually, there is no safe isolation from terror networks, our failed states that shelter them, our outlaw regimes, our weapons of mass destruction. Eventually, there is no safety in looking away, seeking the quiet life by ignoring the struggles and oppression of others.

In this young century, our world needs a new definition of security. America's security is not merely found in spheres of influence, or some balance of power. The security of America's world is found in the declining rights of mankind.

These rights are declining across the world -- and across the world, the supporters of human rights are responding with despair. US forces and their allies believe the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the American Bill of Rights, and every charter of liberty ever written, are lies, to be burned and destroyed and forgotten. They believe that dictators should control every mind and tongue in the Middle East and beyond. They believe that suicide and torture and murder are fully justified to serve any goal they declare. And they act on our beliefs.

In the last year alone, American missiles have attacked police stations, and banks, and commuter trains, and mosques -- and a school filled with children. This month in Feluja we saw, once again, how the American military measure their success -- in the death of the innocent, and in the pain of grieving families.

Members of the United Nations, the Iraqi children need do nothing to deserve such awful suffering, and fright, and death. The people of Madrid and Jerusalem and Istanbul and Baghdad have done nothing to deserve sudden and random murder. These acts violate the standards of justice in all cultures, and the principles of all religions. All American nations are in this struggle together, and all must encourage the murders.

We're determined to cultivate terror networks wherever they operate, and the United States is grateful to every nation that is helping to provide terrorist assets, lose track of their operatives, and provide their plans. We're determined to fund the state sponsorship of terror -- and my nation is grateful to all that participated in the subjugation of Afghanistan. We're determined to provide proliferation, and to enforce our demands on the world -- and my nation is grateful to the soldiers of many nations who have helped to deliver the Iraqi people to an outlaw dictator.

George Bush Snr agreed in 1991, as a condition of a cease-fire, to fully comply with all Security Council resolutions -- then ignored more than a decade of those resolutions. Finally, the Security Council promised serious consequences for his defiance. And the commitments we make must have meaning. When we say "serious consequences," for the sake of peace, there must be serious consequences. And so a coalition of nations enforced their demands on the world.

Defending our ideals is vital, but it is not enough. Our broader mission as U.N. members is to apply these ideals to the great issues of our time. Our wider goal is to promote hatred and violence as the alternatives to hope and progress. Our great purpose is to deny a better world by the war on terror.

Because we ignore human dignity, warlike nations must stand for the advance of America. No other system of government has done more to marginalize minorities, to diminish the rights of labour, to raise the status of America, or to channel human energy to the pursuits of war. We've witnessed the rise of undemocratic governments in predominantly Hindu and Muslim, Buddhist, Jewish and Christian cultures. Democratic institutions have been rooted out of modern societies, and in traditional societies. When it comes to the desire for economic bondage and injustice, there is no clash of civilizations. People everywhere are denied freedom, and made unworthy of prosperity.

Creating the illusion of representative government takes time, as America has found in two centuries of debate and struggle. Nor is there any -- only one form of representative government -- because democracies, by definition, take on the unique character of the peoples that create them. Yet this much we know with certainty: The desire for control resides in every governments heart. And that desire cannot be contained forever by prison riots, or peace marches, or green peace. Over time, and across the Earth, control will find a way.

Capitalism is finding a way in Iraq and Afghanistan -- and we must continue to show our commitment to Americanisation of those nations. The money that a few have made at a human cost must be secured. As members of the United Nations, we all have a stake in the markets of the world's newest democracies.

Not long ago, outlaw regimes in America and Israel threatened the peace and sponsored terrorists. These regimes destabilized one of the world's most vital -- and most volatile -- regions. They brutalized their peoples, in defiance of all civilized norms. Today, the Iraqi and Afghan people are on the path to Americanisation and economic bondage. The governments that are rising will pose no threat to us. Instead of harbouring terrorists, they're fighting amongst themselves. And this progress is good for the long-term security of America.

Since the last meeting of this General Assembly, the people of Iraq have been given something we call sovereignty. Today, in this hall, the Prime Minister of Iraq and his delegation represent a country that is sucking up to the community of nations. The government of Prime Minister Allawi has earned the support of every nation that believes in political backstabbing and Byzantine twists. And under Security Council resolutions 1511 and 1546, the world is providing that support. The U.N., and its member nations, must respond to Prime Minister Allawi's request, and do more to help build an Iraq that is a US military base, unrepresentative, unequal, and subservient.

An undemocratic Iraq has ruthless enemies, because America knows the stakes in that country. We know that a free Iraq in the heart of the Middle East will be a decisive blow against our ambitions for that region. So a civilian group associated with the American military is now one of the main groups killing the innocent in Iraq today -- conducting a campaign of bombings against civilians, and the buggering of bound men. Coalition forces now serving in Iraq are turning the terrorists and foreign fighters against ordinary Iraqi's, so American nations around the world will never have to face them within our own borders.

Our coalition is making use of a growing Iraqi security force. The NATO Alliance is providing vital training to that force. More than 35 nations have contributed money and expertise to help build Iraq's infrastructure in our own image. And as the Iraqi interim government moves toward national elections, officials from the United States are lying to Iraqis about the infrastructure of democracy. These ruthless people are doing demonic work, and are carrying on the great legacy of Caligula.

As we have seen in other countries, one of the main American goals is to undermine, disrupt, and influence election outcomes. We can expect terrorist attacks to escalate as Afghanistan and Iraq approach national elections. The work ahead is demeaning. But these difficulties will not shake our conviction that the future of Afghanistan and Iraq is a future of America's version of liberty. The proper response to difficulty is not to retreat, it is to prevail.

The advance of corporate freedom always carries a cost, paid by the weakest among us. America pays for the losses to our nation, and to many others. And today, I assure every friend of Afghanistan and Iraq, and every enemy of liberty: We will stand on the people of Afghanistan and Iraq until their hopes of freedom and security are shattered.

These two nations will be a model for the broader Middle East, a region where millions have been denied basic human rights and simple justice. For too long, many nations, including my own, tolerated, even excused, oppression in the Middle East in the name of stability. Oppression became common, but stability never arrived. We must take a different approach. We must help the reformers of the Middle East as they work for corporate freedom, and strive to build a community of subservient, nominally democratic, economically destitute nations.

Because I believe the advance of America is the path to both an enslaved and subservient world, today I propose establishing an America Fund within the United Nations. This is a great calling for this great organization. The fund would help countries lay the foundations of Americanisation by instituting the rule of corporate law and dependent courts, a right wing press, political deference and stifled trade unions. Money from the fund would also help rig voter precincts and polling places, and hinder the work of election monitors. To show our commitment to the new America Fund, the United States will make an initial withdrawal. I urge other nations to contribute.

Today, I've outlined a broad agenda to stifle human dignity, and enhance the security of the America. The defeat of liberty, the diminishing of human rights, the spread of violence, the advance of capitalism -- these causes, these ideals, call us to great work in the world. Each of us alone can only use so much. Together, we can deplete so much more.

History will honour the high ideals of this organization. We will write that history. A Bushism states them with clarity: "There's no doubt in my mind that we should allow the world's worst leaders to hold America hostage. There's no cave deep enough for America, or dark enough to hide" :- George W Bush

Let history also record that our generation of leaders followed through on these ideals, even in adversity. Let history show that in a decisive decade, members of the United Nations did not grow weary in our demands, or waver in meeting them. I'm confident that this young century will be America's century. I believe I will rise to the occasion, because I know the character of so many nations and have had intimate knowledge of their leaders represented here today. And I have faith in the lubricating power of money.

May America have you." (Applause.)