A revied of Hugo Chávez's regime
Indymedia Tony's Anti-Dan Unit | 14.12.2001 23:17
This week in Venezuela President Hugo Chávez, the military man hoping to become the next Fidel Castro, faced a mass revolt among his country’s working class and peasants. The country saw its first general strike in more than 40 years after the authoritarian leader attempt to rig the election of the Venezuelan equivalent of the Trades Union Congress. However, the strike is supported by domestic capitalists, who have conspired to undermine the man they regard as a populist leftist. The situation threatens to repeat the events seen under the dictatorship of General Marcos Pérez
Jiminez, who fled the country after he was embroiled in a major corruption scandal.
Chávez initially garnered support with a brand of radicalism which he identified with the spirit of Simón Bolivar, the Latin American revolutionary who fought Spanish imperialism. He wanted to sweep away the old political order which was dominated by Acción Democrática (AD) (Democratic Action) and the Partido Demócrata de Venezuela (Copei) (Christian Democratic Party of Venezuela), abolish poverty and create a spirit of unity among other states in the region to even out the power balance with the US.
While he has broken the mould of Venezuelan politics and created a Bolivarian image, Chávez has not made the transition from erstwhile revolutionary army officer
to democratic statesman. His popularity has started to wane and his allies are becoming more bemused by his erratic and often authoritarian behaviour. Indeed, the developments that have followed his decision to rule by decree, endorsed by parliament at the end of 2000, have only created confusion and dismay. Critics have also justifiably accused him of paranoia due to his repeated threat to declare a state of emergency, which would give him almost total control over the country.
However, Chávez claims that there are conspiracies afoot in the military, among the political opposition and abroad are not without foundation. The scandalised former President Carlos Andrés Pérez, who Chávez led a military rebellion against in 1992, has continually repeated calls for a military coup from his home in Miami in the US. Meanwhile, the Catholic Church and the media have launched a vitriolic campaign against Chávez which has helped accelerate the capital flight from Venezuela.
Nevertheless, Chávez has made matters worse for him and his country. In May 2001, Chávez frustrated his colleagues and supporters in parliament by announcing the rebirth of the Movimiento Bolivariano Revolucionario 200 (MBR-200) (Bolivarian Revolutionary Movement) while issuing another threat to declare a state of emergency, before going on a three-week tour of India. The MBR-200 served as Chávez’s quasi-military support group during his failed coup in 1992, but has since become defunct. The President’s quest to revive the organisation was seen as a slight against his own Movimiento V República (MVR) (Movement of the Fifth Republic). This has left the MVR reeling while the political pundits are asking whether this was a move to give the President more control over the country’s power structures or simply to revive past glories.
As 2001 progressed, Chávez’s attempts to control every aspect of Venezuelan political life faltered. His ploy to control the trade unions began after a referendum was held in December 2000 to approve a nationwide election organised by the government to elect new members of the Confederación de Trabajadores de Venezuela (CTV) (Venezuelan Workers Confederation), the alliance of unions organised under a single leadership, much like the British Trades Union Congress (TUC). Splits appeared within the MVR over who to back for the CTV leadership.
The pro-Chávez Federación Bolivariana de Trabajadores (FBT) (Bolivarian Workers Federation) eventually decided to support the Mayor of Caracas, Aristóbulo Istúriz. This was in preference to Pablo Medina, who was Chávez’s first choice but who is distrusted by many in the ranks of the MVR and the FBT because of his reputation as an aggressive individualist who could turn against the President. The selection of Istúriz, a life-long union activist, also ensured the government had a better chance of getting their man elected.
However, the elections have been thrown into turmoil after Istúriz and other alleged serious voting irregularities and the CTV’s electoral commission failed to publish the results, despite street protests. Opportunists in the jilted oligarchy have attempted to make political capital, by throwing their weight behind the workers’ protests. This
leaves the door open for a return of the oold AD-Copei duopoly or, worse still, a coup by pro-capitalist businessmen. Much the Chávez’s fortunes rest on oil revenues. If oil prices stabilise at over $20 per barrel, Venezuela - one the world’s largest oil producers - will be able to buy off support. However, with the threat of global
recession and oil prices as low as $15 per barrel, Chávez’s days could be numbered.
Jiminez, who fled the country after he was embroiled in a major corruption scandal.
Chávez initially garnered support with a brand of radicalism which he identified with the spirit of Simón Bolivar, the Latin American revolutionary who fought Spanish imperialism. He wanted to sweep away the old political order which was dominated by Acción Democrática (AD) (Democratic Action) and the Partido Demócrata de Venezuela (Copei) (Christian Democratic Party of Venezuela), abolish poverty and create a spirit of unity among other states in the region to even out the power balance with the US.
While he has broken the mould of Venezuelan politics and created a Bolivarian image, Chávez has not made the transition from erstwhile revolutionary army officer
to democratic statesman. His popularity has started to wane and his allies are becoming more bemused by his erratic and often authoritarian behaviour. Indeed, the developments that have followed his decision to rule by decree, endorsed by parliament at the end of 2000, have only created confusion and dismay. Critics have also justifiably accused him of paranoia due to his repeated threat to declare a state of emergency, which would give him almost total control over the country.
However, Chávez claims that there are conspiracies afoot in the military, among the political opposition and abroad are not without foundation. The scandalised former President Carlos Andrés Pérez, who Chávez led a military rebellion against in 1992, has continually repeated calls for a military coup from his home in Miami in the US. Meanwhile, the Catholic Church and the media have launched a vitriolic campaign against Chávez which has helped accelerate the capital flight from Venezuela.
Nevertheless, Chávez has made matters worse for him and his country. In May 2001, Chávez frustrated his colleagues and supporters in parliament by announcing the rebirth of the Movimiento Bolivariano Revolucionario 200 (MBR-200) (Bolivarian Revolutionary Movement) while issuing another threat to declare a state of emergency, before going on a three-week tour of India. The MBR-200 served as Chávez’s quasi-military support group during his failed coup in 1992, but has since become defunct. The President’s quest to revive the organisation was seen as a slight against his own Movimiento V República (MVR) (Movement of the Fifth Republic). This has left the MVR reeling while the political pundits are asking whether this was a move to give the President more control over the country’s power structures or simply to revive past glories.
As 2001 progressed, Chávez’s attempts to control every aspect of Venezuelan political life faltered. His ploy to control the trade unions began after a referendum was held in December 2000 to approve a nationwide election organised by the government to elect new members of the Confederación de Trabajadores de Venezuela (CTV) (Venezuelan Workers Confederation), the alliance of unions organised under a single leadership, much like the British Trades Union Congress (TUC). Splits appeared within the MVR over who to back for the CTV leadership.
The pro-Chávez Federación Bolivariana de Trabajadores (FBT) (Bolivarian Workers Federation) eventually decided to support the Mayor of Caracas, Aristóbulo Istúriz. This was in preference to Pablo Medina, who was Chávez’s first choice but who is distrusted by many in the ranks of the MVR and the FBT because of his reputation as an aggressive individualist who could turn against the President. The selection of Istúriz, a life-long union activist, also ensured the government had a better chance of getting their man elected.
However, the elections have been thrown into turmoil after Istúriz and other alleged serious voting irregularities and the CTV’s electoral commission failed to publish the results, despite street protests. Opportunists in the jilted oligarchy have attempted to make political capital, by throwing their weight behind the workers’ protests. This
leaves the door open for a return of the oold AD-Copei duopoly or, worse still, a coup by pro-capitalist businessmen. Much the Chávez’s fortunes rest on oil revenues. If oil prices stabilise at over $20 per barrel, Venezuela - one the world’s largest oil producers - will be able to buy off support. However, with the threat of global
recession and oil prices as low as $15 per barrel, Chávez’s days could be numbered.
Indymedia Tony's Anti-Dan Unit
e-mail:
antidan@labour2001.org.uk
Comments
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A deliberately misleading article
15.12.2001 12:43
"Venezuela's business leaders have called a nationwide strike on 10 December in protest at the government's failure to consult the private sector over several key economic laws. "
"The halt to business was called by the country's leading business association, Fedecamaras, to protest a package of economic laws decreed by Chavez last month that critics say will deter investment by tightening state control over industries including oil, agriculture and fishing".
Associated Press, Washington Post, 11/12/01
"Venezuelan businesses declare nationwide protest a success defiant.
Fedecamaras, Venezuela's biggest business confederation, organized a 12-hour business strike Monday to protest economic laws that boost the state's role in industries ranging from oil to agriculture. A vast majority of stores, schools and offices closed nationwide. "
Venezuelan Businesses Declare Strike.
Fedecamaras, Venezuela's biggest business confederation, called Monday's 12-hour strike to protest laws that increase the state's role in industries ranging from oil to agriculture.
Jorge Rueda, Associated Press,
"Stores will close and public transportation will be idle Monday as Venezuelan business leaders stage a nationwide work stoppage to urge President Hugo Chavez to compromise on new economic legislation".
Los Angeles Times, 10/12/01. Available in fee paying archive.
Clearly the strike had little to do with "rigged" union elections. To characterise it as "a mass revolt among his country’s working class and peasants" is like saying that Earth First support the UK Countryside Alliance. It's misleading and totally untrue.
Ron F
Nonsense
15.12.2001 13:22
Domestic capitalists who support the old oligarchy and the AD-Copei duopoly have used this as an opportunity to foster support from the masses. So the AD's stepped in to attempt to gain the political momentum which it had lost due to Chávez's anti-establishment stance.
It's true that Washington is wary of Chávez, because he's decided to become an ally of Castro, Qaddafi, Saddam Hussein, etc, and has adopted an anti-gringo tone that won't find him friends on Capitol Hill. But this is all politicking which many Venezuelans feel is irrelevant to their own problems. In fact, one of the main criticisms of Chávez is his propensity to travel rather than deal with the growing crisis in the non-oil sector.
Meanwhile, Chávez's over-reliance on oil as the motor of development will unravel as oil prices continue to fall, despite his hawkish approach which has seen production cut-backs by OPEC. Financing everything with oil revenues is a disastrous policy and one which led Mexico to bankruptcy in the early 1980s. It is keeping the exchange rate over-valued, thereby hamring the non-oil sector particularly those who rely on cash-crop exports such as coffee. It will also end up harming Venezuela's poor, who make up 80 per cent of the population.
However, Chávez has not moved signficantly against foreign interests in Venezuela. He has largely closed off new upstream oil ventures from foreign involvement, but he has thrown the door open wide for foreign investment in the gas sector. This is hardly hurting investors. The state-owned PdVSA owns most oil production and will continue to engage with its joint partners in the sector, but with oil prices falling below $20 per barrel most investors are looking at gas exploitation, which is booming worldwide.
The truth is that Chávez is an old-style, narcissitic military caudillo who relies on short-termist populism to rally the masses behind him. He doesn't have any new ideas beyond barracking the gringos and he is certainly not a revolutionary - far from it.
Tony's mate