New Ligth on Bush Protection of Posada Carriles.
Luis Posada Carriles suspect in Kennedy's murder...
Havana, May 19 (Prensa Latina) Robert Kennedy's suspicions about the involvement of gangs of Cuban and Italian origin at the service of the CIA in his brother's assassination sheds new light on the Bush family protection of international terrorist Luis Posada Carriles.
Granma daily quoted revelations published by the Chicago Tribune on May 13, saying that Robert F. Kennedy suspected, and started investigating from the first time, on November 22, 1963, that his brother's assassination was part of a conspiracy by these groups, as he was fully aware of their motives because he had been working with them to ouster Fidel Castro and suffocate the Cuban Revolution in the wake of the failed Bay of Pigs invasion.
These revelations appear in the book "Brothers: The Hidden History of the Kennedy Years" by David Talbot, published by Simon and Schuster.
Robert Kennedy was aware that in Washington it was better to keep secrets when one is working in a relevant issue. That"s why he misled people for several years by saying in public that no investigation would bring his brother back.
In fact, in successive years until his own assassination on June 5, 1968, he managed to collect an incredible body of evidence which maintain why he had those suspicions.
The group of CIA officials allegedly involved in JFK's assassination was present, beyond their duties, in the hotel where Robert Kennedy, the sure candidate to win the presidency, was killed, it was found recently.
Granma concludes that after one recalls so many other terrible crimes of the CIA-Gate gang, one can better understand that Posada Carriles, who was also allegedly involved in Kennedy"s assassination, as he was in Dallas that day and is mentioned in the Congressional Report of the investigation he was subject to, may be trying to blackmail George Bush Jr.
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Keep digging
20.05.2007 21:08
voter
This story could reveal the bigest story of the Century, that a coupt de etat took over the US government with the assassination of President JF Kennedy, and the subsequent assassinations of his brother, son, Martin Luther King and others.
This right wing group is leading the CIA and is representing the Global Elite's desire to destroy our Constitutional Republic inoder to get richer at the expense of financially enslaving other Americans through the federal Reserve (private bankers:
A TOP GLOBAL CONSPIRATOR CONFIRMS THE GLOBAL CONSPIRACY
For the benefit of knee-jerk 'smart fellows' whose minds are befogged by 'slides' and who will be inclined to accuse the Editor of International Currency Review of being a 'conspiracy theorist', the following statement by one of the leading globalist strategists, Mr David Rockefeller, published in 2002*, will no doubt come as a shock:
'For more than a century ideological extremists [sic] at either end of the political spectrum have seized upon well-publicised incidents such as my encounter with Castro, to attack the Rockefeller family for the inordinate influence they claim we wield over American political and over economic institutions.
Some even believe we are part of a secret cabal working against the best interests of the United States, characterizing my family and me as "internationalists" and of conspiring with others around the world to build a more integrated global political and economic structure ? one world, if you will. If that's the charge, I stand guilty, and I am proud of it'.
As will be seen, David Rockefeller acknowledges that he is part of a secret cabal (synarchy) which works against the best interests of the United States. Why has he not yet been indicted, then, for conspiring against the United States under Section 371 of the United States Code, Title 18, 'Crimes and Criminal Procedure', which states that 'if two or more persons conspire either to commit any offense against the United States, or to defraud the United States, or any agency thereof in any manner or for any purpose, and one or more of such persons do any act to effect the object of the conspiracy, each shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than five years, or both'?
Congress needs to Act on Impeachment of Cheney Now.
author: Voter
May 13, 2007 04:45
Forgery is a crime, and knowingly using forged documents for preemptive war is impeachable.
Why has the media been silent on this issue? I haven't seen headlines yet that say an impeachment of the Vice President has been sponsored by two other Congressmen.
Bill Moyer's Documentary Buying the War shed some light on this. Ironicaly it shed more light than was probably planned.
Congress needs to Act on Impeachment of Cheney Now.
Forgery is a crime, and knowingly using forged documents for preemptive war is impeachable.
By Voter
Why has the media been silent on this issue? I haven't seen headlines yet that say an impeachment of the Vice President has been sponsored by two other Congressmen.
Bill Moyer's Documentary Buying the War shed some light on this. Ironicaly it shed more light than was probably planned.
Keywords: Class, Manhattan, Government,
Never forget
Katrina vanden Heuvel wrote in the Nation, in "The Whole Truth--and Nothing But"
" Lynch's testimony last week was timely, coming just one day before the premiere of Bill Moyers Journal on PBS, a 90-minute report entitled Buying the War. "Four years after shock and awe," Moyers observed, "the press has yet to come to terms with its role in enabling the Bush administration to go to war on false pretenses."
As good as Bill Moyer's documentary was, and it was excellent showing the logic applied by the Knight Rider reporters, government interference was going on for a very long time.
CIA was getting paid for it. I've read that the government actually had CIA and FBI agents on the payroll at major media.
THE PRESS AND THE JFK ASSASSINATION
If any large element of our news industry, such as NEWSWEEK, or NBC, or CNN, for example, decided to conduct a thorough, objective review of the JFK assassination, significant and historic progress could be made in the case. The single-bullet theory could be disposed of in relatively short order. At least some of the photographic evidence could be properly examined. The acoustical evidence could be thoroughly evaluated. Many of the numerous surviving witnesses could be interviewed. Previous interviews with important witnesses could be analyzed with voice stress analysis. Credible leads developed by private researchers could be pursued. The unlikelihood of the theory that Oswald fired all the shots could be further established. The specious stories of several surviving members of the Dallas Police Department could be subjected to the scrutiny and analysis with which they should have been examined long ago. In fact, ALL of these things could have been done years ago, and the network or newspaper that did it would have had an historic, major news scoop, a scoop worth millions and millions of dollars for years to come.
JFK assassination documentaries continue to be of high interest. Indeed, in the last four years alone major news outlets have broadcast or published several "investigative reports" on the case. Tragically, however, without exception these "reports" were error-filled, superficial defenses of the lone-gunman theory. In some instances, it appeared that the journalists who wrote the reports made no effort whatsoever to study scholarly works critical of the lone-assassin scenario.
Why is this still happening? Why does our news industry seem almost incapable of giving the American people the truth about the assassination? Most journalists are liberal, according to media surveys. If so, why aren't they interested in seeing to it that the public gets the real story about President Kennedy's death? Why do they seem so intent on defending the essential elements of the Warren Commission's version of the shooting? Why do they continue to defend the single-bullet theory, in spite of the massive and growing evidence that the theory is not only invalid but impossible? Why won't they give this evidence a fair hearing?
I think we might find the answers to some of these questions by reviewing previous analyses of the press's treatment of the assassination.
Jim Garrison:
During my flight back to New Orleans I found myself reflecting on the mind-set of Carson and the NBC attorney who had debriefed me. They were unnerved by my viewpoint, I realized, not so much because it differed from their own but because I was explicitly advocating the existence of a CONSPIRACY in President Kennedy's assassination. I recalled the thinly veiled contempt of the attorneys whenever they touched upon the concept of a conspiracy. I felt as if I were a German citizen back in the mid-1930s who had publicly questioned Adolf Hitler's sanity and was being given the obligatory questioning before being shipped away to a mental institution. I remembered that Carson himself had nearly come unglued during the heat of our argument as I zeroed in on the idea that a conspiracy had occurred.
Why was it, I asked myself, that these people at the very heart of the New York media industry were so allergic to the very concept of conspiracy? What was it that was so inconceivable, that was so utterly unthinkable about the idea of a conspiracy?
Then, perhaps for the first time, I realized what it was that petrified these people, that froze their brains into gridlock. To acknowledge that an organized conspiracy had occurred was to recognize that it had been done for a purpose--to change government policy. Having told the world for so many years how wonderful we all were, here in the greatest country in the world, the media people were not willing to admit that our national leader could be removed in such a brutal fashion in order to change government policy. . . . That just could not be. Therefore, in their minds, the assassination had to be a random event, the work of a deranged loner. (Garrison, ON THE TRAIL OF THE ASSASSINS, New York: Warner Books, 1988, pp. 248-249)
Carl Oglesby:
A reporter for one of the big outlets chanced one day to be the only one of the major media people at the Assassinations Committee's hearings to get the real point of what had happened that day. Chairman Stokes had presented a major blast at the FBI and raised the question of FBI co-responsibility in [Dr. Martin Luther] King's death. It was a dramatic moment. Stokes is a fine speaker, he cared a lot about what he was saying, and his statement was well conceived and written. The reporter who picked up on it had caught a strong story, clearly the lead of the day. And all the other majors missed it.
The reporter came in the hearing room smoldering the next day, slouched in his place muttering darkly about getting chewed out by his boss. Chewed out? For what? For that story about Stokes' speech on the FBI, he said. But that was a great story, nobody else got it. That's the point, he said. Why? Because my bosses say that if the rest of the press didn't get it, too, it must not have happened, and it looks bad when one of says something so different from the rest.
What an educational exchange! One had heard things about "scoops" and journalistic courage, and now it turned out that the real key to success in the big time was something else. You had to know how to run with the pack, because what the "news" actually was, boiled down, was the collective opinion of this same pack. If the pack thinks JFK was killed by a lone nut, then anybody who thinks something else must be another one.
How often on the lecture circuit in the old days the Warren critic would hear someone say that if any of these doubts were actually valid, and if there was anything at all to the monstrous idea that the President was killed by a conspiracy, then surely by now our bright , ambitious people of the media would already have found out all about it and won Pulitzers, like Woodward and Bernstein. Since there are no Woodward and Bernstein of the JFK assassination issue--and no Pulitzers--there must actually be no issue.
All ye who have ever thought that particular thought, take heed and ponder this tale of the bright, ambitious reporter who got rebuked for his scoop, while the ones with the blandest and emptiest impressions of what happened that day in the hearing room cruised on through their career without a ripple. Pack journalism is, to our mind, a very special problem in the conspiracy cases because pack journalists are so timid and vicious. As other interviews make clear, there are many faults to find with the HSCA's hearings. But their performance was a hundred times in front of the mainstream media in terms of curiosity, investigative vigor, and courage to face tough possibilities.
If the press had reported each day on the actual contributions the committee was making instead of constantly blunting everything that said conspiracy and overplaying everything that said relax, then the 80 percent of us who today sense conspiracy in the JFK death would be not only more numerous, but also more aroused and more insistent that the whole truth be found. (Oglesby, THE JFK ASSASSINATION: THE FACTS AND THE THEORIES, New York: Signet, 1992, pp. 173- 175)
In 1993 major newspapers and magazines across America refused to publish two Associated Press and Reuters wire stories on Dr. David Mantik's historic discoveries concerning evidence of tampering in the autopsy x-rays at the National Archives. In fact, to my knowledge, not a single major newspaper or magazine carried the wire stories. Why? (The wire stories can be seen in the appendices to Harrison Livingstone's recent book KILLING KENNEDY AND THE HOAX OF THE CENTURY.) The wire stories contained other important information as well. Why weren't they published? They were certainly newsworthy and credible, and were definitely important and of high interest. So why weren't they published? It's worth noting that this occurred at the same time the press was giving glowing reviews to Gerald Posner's badly flawed defense of the Warren Commission, CASE CLOSED.
There have been several historic, crucial revelations to emerge from previously sealed files recently released by the Assassination Records Review Board. Why haven't these important new disclosures been reported by the press?
Could this have anything to do with the many reports of CIA and FBI influence on the press? In 1977, for example, information surfaced indicating that a number of journalists and news managers at major media outlets had either received payment from the CIA and/or were "cooperating" with the CIA. Dr. Gary Aguilar summarizes some of what was learned from the disclosed information about the press and the CIA:
Not only did journalists, representing THE NY TIMES, ABC, NBC, CBS, Scripps Howard, UPI, AP, Hearst, Reuters, Bill Moyers, Paley, etc., "associate" with the CIA, they recruited for the CIA, gave CIA agents false credentials as journalists, and planted false information with foreign officials--and with the American public as well of course. Over 200 journalists had signed secrecy agreements with the CIA (THE NY TIMES "Sulzberger" for only one notable example), or had "employment contracts." (Aguilar, "The CIA and the Media," Journalism Forum, CompuServe, February 24, 1996)
The COLUMBIA JOURNALISM REVIEW cogently argued,
If even one American overseas carrying a press card is a paid informer for the CIA, then all Americans with those credentials are suspect. . . . If the crisis of confidence faced by the news business--along with the government--is to be overcome, journalists must be willing to focus on themselves the same spotlight they so relentlessly train on others. . . . When it was reported . . . that newsmen themselves were on the payroll of the CIA, the story caused a brief stir, and then was dropped. (As quoted in Aguilar, "The CIA and the Media")
In recent months there have been additional reports that press personnel--journalists and news managers--continue to "cooperate" in various ways and to varying degrees with the CIA. How extensive is this "cooperation"? What exactly does it involve? Are there journalists who are accepting cash payment from the CIA? Are there news managers who are doing so? Has the CIA planted agents, or does it have paid operatives, in the press? These are matters that need to be thoroughly investigated by Congress.
It's also known that in the 1960s the FBI had what it considered to be "friendly assets" in the press. Does the FBI still have "friendly assets" in the press? If so, are any of these persons receiving payment or other favors from the FBI? These, too, are matters that need to be considered by a Congressional investigation.
What can be done about the press's poor handling of the case? For starters, we must realize and take advantage of the fact that the emergence of the e-mail and online newsgroups and web pages affords the opportunity to literally bypass the press to a certain extent. Additionally, we can seek to educate journalists about the assassination. It couldn't hurt to periodically e-mail credible research articles and letters to the editor on the case to major news outlets, such as CBS, NBC, ABC, NEWSWEEK, US NEWS AND WORLD REPORT, and so forth. Some of those articles just might get read by someone, and that someone just might start to take a more critical look at the lone-gunman scenario or at least be more open to considering evidence that points to a conspiracy. We should also attempt to work with local media outlets, such as our local newspapers and TV stations. Many times local journalists are much more open to persuasion and substantive dialogue than are their counterparts at the major media outlets. Finally, we should attempt to educate our friends, family, and neighbors about the evidence of conspiracy in the assassination. Education is the key.
There is some cause to hope that the situation is improving. The A&E Network, for example, has aired two informative documentaries on the case which contain a great deal of evidence of conspiracy and which strongly challenge the Warren Commission's version of the shooting. The 1992 documentary THE JFK CONSPIRACY, hosted by James Earl Jones and produced by All-American Television, has been shown on dozens of local cable outlets across the country. In 1992 ABC's "20/20" program aired an informative, well-done segment on Dr. Charles Crenshaw's revelations about President Kennedy's wounds. Thanks to the emergence of cable TV, credible documentaries and other programs presenting evidence of conspiracy have been aired in virtually every part of the country in recent years. This is a healthy, long-overdue development. But the major news outlets, such as CBS, NBC, NEWSWEEK, TIME, THE WASHINGTON POST, etc., continue to advance the lone-gunman theory and to dismiss or ignore the growing evidence that President Kennedy was killed by a conspiracy.
Mike Griffith
Back to Michael T. Griffith
From the posted article above:
Not only did journalists, representing THE NY TIMES, ABC, NBC, CBS, Scripps Howard, UPI, AP, Hearst, Reuters, Bill Moyers, Paley, etc., "associate" with the CIA, they recruited for the CIA, gave CIA agents false credentials as journalists, and planted false information with foreign officials--and with the American public as well of course. Over 200 journalists had signed secrecy agreements with the CIA (THE NY TIMES "Sulzberger" for only one notable example), or had "employment contracts." (Aguilar, "The CIA and the Media," Journalism Forum, CompuServe, February 24, 1996)
If we had a press cooperating with the very people who wanted to"change foreign policy"in the JF Kennedy,Jr. assassination,
then what?
Evidence now is overwhelming certain people in and associated with the CIA did in fact kill the President.
President J.F. Kennedy, Jr. knew of secret societies! Hew knew of the conspiracy that would get him, as did Abrham Lincoln know who was after him!
Frank Sturgis admitted it. See
See the last testimony of Hunt to his son: The Last Confessions of E. Howard Hunt
Regarding your story on Posada (CIA) These are excerpts from
He and Bosch(CIA) were both convicted of blowing up civilian aircraft and hotels.
Regarding Bosch= terrorist who Bush Sr,(CIA) Pardoned Bosch . He led the group in which Marita(CIA) testified Frank Sturgis (CIA)said we killed the President that day, Hunt, Ruby, Oswald (CIA)all present, together , "Very professional"
It was reported by the New York Times, a few weeks ago, the fact that "In May, Luis Posada Carriles, a militant anti-Castro fighter from the cold war era, was arrested here on charges of entering the country illegally and was imprisoned in El Paso, where he awaits federal trial. Barely anyone in Miami protested, even though many Cuban-Americans consider Mr. Posada, 77, to be a hero who deserves asylum. " I did a search on him and found more than the Media dare print.
The above website
has documents that shows Bush was in the CIA at that time. These assassins were in Dallas when Kennedy was murdered. Marita (became a CIA agent after being misstress to Castro) a testifies how she saw Oswald (now known CIA agent) and Ruby together, with two carloads of them at a motel the night before, armed with weapons. She got out. She testified that Frank Sturgis later boasted, "we killed Kennedy."Other witnesses said they saw Posada in the Square also that terrible day.
The website also has documents that show one of those who knew and encouraged Oswald was a friend of George Bush Senior. He has repeatedly said he never knew him. The website reveals that many of these witnesses were killed before they could testify to the conspiracy. Even Jack Ruby was said he was willing to testify but he claimed he was being given a cancer causing drug that eventually did kill him.
The website provides pictures of George Bush with the CIA agent Felix Rodriquez and George Bush, and Felix Rodriquez's capture of Che Gueierra, who later had his hands cut off after he was shot. These agents also participated in the removal of democratic leaders in South American countries. Apparently Nixon was a Protégé of Prescott Bush. Nixon brought in Henry Kissinger, ex Nazi, who brought over many Nazis to serve in the CIA.
The author shows the history of this group. Some were hand picked by ex-President George Bush himself from the CIA initially to assainate Castro and invade Cuba in the Bay of Pigs attack... He and other Texas oilmen financed some of their operations. A Dr. Orlando Bosch, convicted of blowing up a Cuban airliner, with the help of Posada was later PARDONED by Bush Senior as President. The author says Bosch was the leader of the group at the motel where this gang was in Dallas the night before the killing of President J.F. Kennedy, Jr.
JFK warned of excessive power of secret societies, CIA
JFK believed in conspiracies!He was assassinated by people in the CIA!!! He had fired it's boss, and wanted to dismantle it!
JFK identifies his killers, his own words about secret societies
James W. Sibert Interview To see it (Realplayer required) Click here. Special announcement for immediate and unrestricted release: Gerald Ford's motto: Attack is Best Defense. Gerald Ford, former President and last surviving member of the Warren Commission, has demonstrated his strategy again: Disguise your crimes by attacking the attacker. I am increasingly flabbergasted about what is possible in America. Why is the world and the History Channel swallowing his attack on the documentary "The guilty men"? For those who missed this headline news, it is the last episode of "The men who killed Kennedy" series, aired last November and originally scheduled for re-runs over the next nine years, which makes a case for Lyndon Johnson as a main conspirator in JFK's murder. Ford's coordinated protest with former Johnson cronies like Bill Moyers, Jack Valenti and Johnson's widow, has now even resulted in complete cancellation of all three new episodes, including those which were not attacked, like "The Love Affair" with Judyth Vary Baker, who makes a credible case for having been Lee Harvey Oswald's girlfriend, exonerating him from the Government's THEORY that he was the lone assassin. To my knowledge, this is an unprecedented form of censorship in the United States.
In all the heated discussions and controversy about the History Channel's documentary, whether LBJ had a role in the JFK assassination or not, it seems that one thing is overlooked : In this case, Lyndon Baines Johnson and his next door neighbor and close buddy J. Edgar Hoover are guilty of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, not because we can prove they ordered it or because we can prove they had any direct connection to the killing, but because we can prove beyond any reasonable doubt that those two men took steps and took actions that covered up the truth of the crime. Washing out and refurbishing the President's limousine is just one of many examples of destroying crucial evidence. This makes them AT LEAST accessories after the fact. And was it not to Bill Moyers that Deputy Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach sent the infamous memo: "The public should be satisfied that Oswald was the lone assassin"?
LBJ Night Before JFK Assassination: "Those SOB's Will Never Embarrass Me Again" Outside the debate of magic bullets, multiple shooters and grassy knoll theories - an astounding deposition of a deliberately planned criminal conspiracy straight from the horse's mouth
Lee Harvey Oswald was CIA: Declassified Document Affirms It From Mr. John McCone, Director CIA to Mr. James J. Rowley,US Chief, Secret Service, dated March 3, 1962 CO-2-34,030 Lee Harvey Oswald was CIA: Declassified Document Affirms It
More there....
voter
America's first assassination conspiracy theorist
20.05.2007 21:40
America's first assassination conspiracy theorist
by David Talbot
May 13, 2007
Reprinted from:
One of the most intriguing mysteries about the assassination of John F. Kennedy, that darkest of American labyrinths, is why his brother Robert F. Kennedy apparently did nothing to investigate the crime. Bobby Kennedy was, after all, not just the attorney general of the United States at the time of the assassination -- he was his brother's devoted partner, the man who took on the administration's most grueling assignments, from civil rights to organized crime to Cuba, the hottest Cold War flash point of its day. But after the burst of gunfire in downtown Dallas on Nov. 22, 1963, ended this unique partnership, Bobby Kennedy seemed lost in a fog of grief, refusing to discuss the assassination with the Warren Commission and telling friends he had no heart for an aggressive investigation. "What difference does it make?" he would say. "It won't bring him back."
But Bobby Kennedy was a complex man, and his years in Washington had taught him to keep his own counsel and proceed in a subterranean fashion. What he said in public about Dallas was not the full story. Privately, RFK -- who had made his name in the 1950s as a relentless investigator of the underside of American power -- was consumed by the need to know the real story about his brother's assassination. This fire seized him on the afternoon of Nov. 22, as soon as FBI chief J. Edgar Hoover, a bitter political enemy, phoned to say -- almost with pleasure, thought Bobby -- that the president had been shot. And the question of who killed his brother continued to haunt Kennedy until the day he too was gunned down, on June 5, 1968.
Because of his proclivity for operating in secret, RFK did not leave behind a documentary record of his inquiries into his brother's assassination. But it is possible to retrace his investigative trail, beginning with the afternoon of Nov. 22, when he frantically worked the phones at Hickory Hill -- his Civil War-era mansion in McLean, Va. -- and summoned aides and government officials to his home. Lit up with the clarity of shock, the electricity of adrenaline, Bobby Kennedy constructed the outlines of the crime that day -- a crime, he immediately concluded, that went far beyond Lee Harvey Oswald, the 24-year-old ex-Marine arrested shortly after the assassination. Robert Kennedy was America's first assassination conspiracy theorist.
CIA sources began disseminating their own conspiratorial view of Kennedy's murder within hours of the crime, spotlighting Oswald's defection to the Soviet Union and his public support for Fidel Castro. In New Orleans, an anti-Castro news organization released a tape of Oswald defending the bearded dictator. In Miami, the Cuban Student Directorate -- an exile group funded secretly by a CIA program code-named AMSPELL -- told reporters about Oswald's connections to the pro-Castro Fair Play for Cuba Committee. But Robert Kennedy never believed the assassination was a communist plot. Instead, he looked in the opposite direction, focusing his suspicions on the CIA's secretive anti-Castro operations, a murky underworld he had navigated as his brother's point man on Cuba. Ironically, RFK's suspicions were shared by Castro himself, whom he had sought to overthrow throughout the Kennedy presidency.
The attorney general was supposed to be in charge of the clandestine war on Castro -- another daunting assignment JFK gave him, after the spy agency's disastrous performance at the Bay of Pigs in April 1961. But as he tried to establish control over CIA operations and to herd the rambunctious Cuban exile groups into a unified progressive front, Bobby learned what a swamp of intrigue the anti-Castro world was. Working out of a sprawling Miami station code-named JM/WAVE that was second in size only to the CIA's Langley, Va., headquarters, the agency had recruited an unruly army of Cuban militants to launch raids on the island and even contracted Mafia henchmen to kill Castro -- including mob bosses Johnny Rosselli, Santo Trafficante and Sam Giancana, whom Kennedy, as chief counsel for the Senate Rackets Committee in the late 1950s, had targeted. It was an overheated ecosystem that was united not just by its fevered opposition to the Castro regime, but by its hatred for the Kennedys, who were regarded as traitors for failing to use the full military might of the United States against the communist outpost in the Caribbean.
Suspected Miami netherworld
This Miami netherworld of spies, gangsters and Cuban militants is where Robert Kennedy immediately cast his suspicions on Nov. 22. In the years since RFK's own assassination, an impressive body of evidence has accumulated that suggests why Kennedy felt compelled to look in that direction. The evidence -- congressional testimony, declassified government documents, even veiled confessions -- continues to emerge at this late date, although largely unnoticed. The most recent revelation came from legendary spy E. Howard Hunt before his death in January. Hunt offered what might be the last will and testament on the JFK assassination by someone with direct knowledge about the crime. In his recent posthumously published memoir, American Spy, Hunt speculates that the CIA might have been involved in Kennedy's murder. And in handwritten notes and an audiotape he left behind, the spy went further, revealing that he was invited to a 1963 meeting at a CIA safe house in Miami where an assassination plot was discussed.
Bobby Kennedy knew that he and his brother had made more than their share of political enemies. But none were more virulent than the men who worked on the Bay of Pigs operation and believed the president had stabbed them in the back, refusing to rescue their doomed operation by sending in the U.S. Air Force and Marines. Later, when President Kennedy ended the Cuban missile crisis in October 1962 without invading Cuba, these men saw not statesmanship but another failure of nerve. In Cuban Miami, they spoke of la seconda derrota, the second defeat. These anti-Kennedy sentiments, at times voiced heatedly to Bobby's face, resonated among the CIA's partners in the secret war on Castro -- the Mafia bosses who longed to reclaim their lucrative gambling and prostitution franchises in Havana that had been shut down by the revolution, and who were deeply aggrieved by the Kennedy Justice Department's all-out war on organized crime. But Bobby, the hard-liner who covered his brother's right flank on the Cuba issue, thought that he had turned himself into the main lightning rod for all this anti-Kennedy static.
"I thought they would get me, instead of the president," he told his Justice Department press aide, Edwin Guthman, as they walked back and forth on the backyard lawn at Hickory Hill on the afternoon of Nov. 22. Guthman and others around Bobby that day thought "they" might be coming for the younger Kennedy next. So apparently did Bobby. Normally opposed to tight security measures -- "Kennedys don't need bodyguards," he had said with typical brashness -- he allowed his aides to summon federal marshals, who quickly surrounded his estate.
A stunning outburst
Meanwhile, as Lyndon Johnson -- a man with whom he had a storied antagonistic relationship -- flew east from Dallas to assume the powers of the presidency, Bobby Kennedy used his fleeting authority to ferret out the truth. After hearing his brother had died at Parkland Memorial Hospital in Dallas, Kennedy phoned CIA headquarters, just down the road in Langley, where he often began his day, stopping there to work on Cuba-related business. Bobby's phone call to Langley on the afternoon of Nov. 22 was a stunning outburst. Getting a ranking official on the phone -- whose identity is still unknown -- Kennedy confronted him in a voice vibrating with fury and pain. "Did your outfit have anything to do with this horror?" Kennedy erupted.
Later that day, RFK summoned the CIA director himself, John McCone, to ask him the same question. McCone, who had replaced the legendary Allen Dulles after the old spymaster had walked the plank for the Bay of Pigs, swore that his agency was not involved. But Bobby Kennedy knew that McCone, a wealthy Republican businessman from California with no intelligence background, did not have a firm grasp on all aspects of the agency's work. Real control over the clandestine service revolved around the No. 2 man, Richard Helms, the shrewd bureaucrat whose intelligence career went back to the agency's OSS origins in World War II. "It was clear that McCone was out of the loop -- Dick Helms was running the agency," recently commented RFK aide John Seigenthaler -- another crusading newspaper reporter, like Guthman, whom Bobby had recruited for his Justice Department team. "Anything McCone found out was by accident."
Kennedy had another revealing phone conversation on the afternoon of Nov. 22. Speaking with Enrique "Harry" Ruiz-Williams, a Bay of Pigs veteran who was his most trusted ally among exiled political leaders, Bobby shocked his friend by telling him point-blank, "One of your guys did it." Who did Kennedy mean? By then Oswald had been arrested in Dallas. The CIA and its anti-Castro client groups were already trying to connect the alleged assassin to the Havana regime. But as Kennedy's blunt remark to Williams makes clear, the attorney general wasn't buying it. Recent evidence suggests that Bobby Kennedy had heard the name Lee Harvey Oswald long before it exploded in news bulletins around the world, and he connected it with the government's underground war on Castro. With Oswald's arrest in Dallas, Kennedy apparently realized that the government's clandestine campaign against Castro had boomeranged at his brother.
The Chicago mob connection
That evening, Kennedy zeroed in on the Mafia. He phoned Julius Draznin in Chicago, an expert on union corruption for the National Labor Relations Board, asking him to look into a possible mob angle on Dallas. More important, the attorney general activated Walter Sheridan, his ace Justice Department investigator, locating him in Nashville, where Sheridan was awaiting the trial of their longtime nemesis, Teamster leader Jimmy Hoffa.
If Kennedy had any doubts about Mafia involvement in his brother's murder, they were immediately dispelled when, two days after JFK was shot down, burly nightclub owner Jack Ruby shouldered his way through press onlookers in the basement of the Dallas police station and fired his fatal bullet into Lee Harvey Oswald. Sheridan quickly turned up evidence that Ruby had been paid off in Chicago by a close associate of Hoffa. Sheridan reported that Ruby had "picked up a bundle of money from Allen M. Dorfman," Hoffa's chief adviser on Teamster pension fund loans and the stepson of Paul Dorfman, the labor boss' main link to the Chicago mob. A few days later, Draznin, Kennedy's man in Chicago, provided further evidence about Ruby's background as a mob enforcer, submitting a detailed report on Ruby's labor racketeering activities and his penchant for armed violence. Jack Ruby's phone records further clinched it for Kennedy. The list of men whom Ruby phoned around the time of the assassination, RFK later told aide Frank Mankiewicz, was "almost a duplicate of the people I called to testify before the Rackets Committee."
Secret message to Moscow
As family members and close friends gathered in the White House on the weekend after the assassination for the president's funeral, a raucous mood of Irish mourning gripped the executive mansion. But Bobby didn't participate in the family's doleful antics. Coiled and sleepless throughout the weekend, he brooded alone about his brother's murder. According to an account by Peter Lawford, the actor and Kennedy in-law who was there that weekend, Bobby told family members that JFK had been killed by a powerful plot that grew out of one of the government's secret anti-Castro operations. There was nothing they could do at that point, Bobby added, since they were facing a formidable enemy and they no longer controlled the government. Justice would have to wait until the Kennedys could regain the White House -- this would become RFK's mantra in the years after Dallas, whenever associates urged him to speak out about the mysterious crime.
A week after the assassination, Bobby and his brother's widow, Jacqueline Kennedy -- who shared his suspicions about Dallas -- sent a startling secret message to Moscow through a trusted family emissary named William Walton. The discreet and loyal Walton "was exactly the person that you would pick for a mission like this," his friend Gore Vidal later observed. Walton, a Time magazine war correspondent who had reinvented himself as a gay Georgetown bohemian, had grown close to both JFK and Jackie in their carefree days before they moved into the White House. Later, the first couple gave him an unpaid role in the administration, appointing him chairman of the Fine Arts Commission, but it was mainly an excuse to make him a frequent White House guest and confidant.
After JFK's assassination, the president's brother and widow asked Walton to go ahead as planned with a cultural exchange trip to Russia, where he was to meet with artists and government ministers, and convey an urgent message to the Kremlin. Soon after arriving in frigid Moscow, fighting a cold and dabbing at his nose with a red handkerchief, Walton met at the ornate Sovietskaya restaurant with Georgi Bolshakov -- an ebullient, roly-poly Soviet agent with whom Bobby had established a back-channel relationship in Washington. Walton stunned the Russian by telling him that the Kennedys believed Oswald was part of a conspiracy. They didn't think either Moscow or Havana was behind the plot, Walton assured Bolshakov -- it was a large domestic conspiracy. The president's brother was determined to enter the political arena and eventually make a run for the White House. If RFK succeeded, Walton confided, he would resume his brother's quest for detente with the Soviets.
Robert Kennedy's remarkable secret communication to Moscow shows how emotionally wracked he must have been in the days following his brother's assassination. The calamity transformed him instantly from a cocky, abrasive insider -- the second most powerful man in Washington -- to a grief-stricken, deeply wary outsider who put more trust in the Russian government than he did in his own. The Walton mission has been all but lost to history. But it is one more revealing tale that sheds light on Bobby Kennedy's subterranean life between his brother's assassination and his own violent demise less than five years later.
RFK held onto evidence
Over the years, Kennedy would offer bland and routine endorsements of the Warren Report and its lone gunman theory. But privately he derided the report as nothing more than a public relations exercise designed to reassure the public. And behind the scenes, he continued to work assiduously to figure out his brother's murder, in preparation for reopening the case if he ever won the power to do so.
Bobby held onto medical evidence from his brother's autopsy, including JFK's brain and tissue samples, which might have proved important in a future investigation. He also considered taking possession of the gore-spattered, bullet-riddled presidential limousine that had carried his brother in Dallas, before the black Lincoln could be scrubbed clean of evidence and repaired. He enlisted his top investigator, Walt Sheridan, in his secret quest -- the former FBI agent and fellow Irish Catholic whom Bobby called his "avenging angel." Even after leaving the Justice Department in 1964, when he was elected to the Senate from New York, Kennedy and Sheridan would slip back into the building now and then to pore over files on the case. And soon after his election, Kennedy traveled to Mexico City, where he gathered information on Oswald's mysterious trip there in September 1963.
In 1967, Sheridan went to New Orleans to check into the Jim Garrison investigation, to see whether the flamboyant prosecutor really had cracked the JFK case. (Sheridan was working as an NBC news producer at the time, but he reported back to RFK, telling him that Garrison was a fraud.) And Kennedy asked his press secretary, Frank Mankiewicz, to begin gathering information about the assassination for the day when they could reopen the investigation. (Mankiewicz later told Bobby that his research led him to conclude it was probably a plot involving the Mafia, Cuban exiles and rogue CIA agents.) Kennedy himself found it painful to discuss conspiracy theories with the ardent researchers who sought him out. But he met in his Senate office with at least one -- a feisty small-town Texas newspaper publisher named Penn Jones Jr., who believed JFK was the victim of a CIA-Pentagon plot. Bobby heard him out and then had his driver take Jones to Arlington Cemetery, where the newspaperman wanted to pay his respects at his brother's grave.
Bobby walks a tightrope
At times, this drive to know the truth would sputter, as Robert Kennedy wrestled with debilitating grief and a haunting guilt that he -- his brother's constant watchman -- should have protected him. And, ever cautious, Bobby continued to deflect the subject whenever he was confronted with it by the press. But as time went by, it became increasingly difficult for Kennedy to avoid wrestling with the specter of his brother's death in public.
In late March 1968, during his doomed and heroic run for the presidency, Kennedy was addressing a tumultuous outdoor campus rally in Northridge, Calif., when some boisterous students shouted out the question he always dreaded. "We want to know who killed President Kennedy!" yelled one girl, while others took up the cry: "Open the archives!"
Kennedy's response that day was a tightrope walk. He knew that if he fully revealed his thinking about the assassination, the ensuing media uproar would have dominated his campaign, instead of burning issues like ending the Vietnam War and healing the country's racial divisions. For a man like Robert Kennedy, you did not talk about something as dark as the president's assassination in public -- you explored the crime your own way.
But Kennedy respected college students and their passions -- and he was in the habit of addressing campus audiences with surprising honesty. He did not want to simply deflect the question that day with his standard line. So, while dutifully endorsing the Warren Report as usual, he went further. "You wanted to ask me something about the archives," he responded. "I'm sure, as I've said before, the archives will be open." The crowd cheered and applauded. "Can I just say," continued Kennedy, "and I have answered this question before, but there is no one who would be more interested in all of these matters as to who was responsible for uh . . . the uh, uh, the death of President Kennedy than I would." Kennedy's press secretary Frank Mankiewicz, long used to Kennedy ducking the question, was "stunned" by the reply. "It was either like he was suddenly blurting out the truth, or it was a way to shut down any further questioning. You know, 'Yes, I will reopen the case. Now let's move on.' "
Robert Kennedy did not live long enough to solve his brother's assassination. But nearly 40 years after his own murder, a growing body of evidence suggests that Kennedy was on the right trail before he too was cut down. Despite his verbal contortions in public, Bobby Kennedy always knew that the truth about Dallas mattered. It still does.
From Brothers: The Hidden History of the Kennedy Years, by David Talbot. Published by Simon and Schuster. Talbot is the founder and former editor in chief of Salon.
For more on the presence at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles the day Robert Kennedy was shot of CIA agents from the notorious JMWave station in Miami, the station which ran the CIA's anti-Cuba operations
the BBC report from November, 2006
posted by F Espinoza
FIGHT FOR JUSTICE... CAMPAIGN
20.05.2007 22:53
Justice against Terrorism!
LUIS POSADA CARRILES MUST BE TRIED FOR HIS CRIMES!
While in the name of the fight against terrorism, hundreds of thousands of people have died in Iraq and Afghanistan, and others - arbitrarily detained - are tortured in Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo, the United States government protects the most notorious terrorist in this hemisphere, attempting to deceive public opinion through interminable pseudolegal manuevers and refusing to try him for his real crimes.
Luis Posada Carriles was accused and brought to trial in Venezuela for the 1976 attack against a commercial aircraft in which 73 persons died. After escaping from Venezuelan prisons in 1982 - leaving his trial unconcluded - he served the CIA as part of what was known as the "Irancontras" operation and also in the implementation of the genocidal Plan Cóndor. In 1997 he prepared a series of terrorist acts against hotels in Havana - in one of which the young Italian tourist, Fabio Di Celmo, lost his life -, and in the year 2000, the projected attempt against President Fidel Castro´s life at the University of Panama.
In March, 2005, Posada Carriles entered the United States illegally. Only after reiterated public denunciations that revealed the presence of this criminal in U.S. terriitory, the goverment of George W. Bush proceeded to detain and charge him for immigration crimes and false witness, without the slightest reference to terrorism.
Through their handling of Posada Carriles, the U.S. authorities, pressured by groups of Cuban extremists in South Florida, have made evident the double morality of their war against terrorism in the name of which they torture, kidnap and bomb. At the same time, as has been denounced by numerous international forums and United Nations´agencies, five Cuban antiterrorist activists remain unjustly imprisoned in the United States, subjected together with their families to cruel and discriminatory treatment.
All honest people of the world who raise their voices against war and terrorism, have before them irrefutable proof of the lack of ethics upon which the current administration in Washington bases its actions. We, the undersigned, demand that the government of the United States, in compliance with international obligations, charge Luis Posada Carriles for all of his crimes or attend the request for his extradition to Venezuela, which until now has received absolutely no response.
To sign the campaign:
Other Websites related:
Videos:
- "Misión contra el terror", acerca de los Cinco héroes cubanos prisioneros en cárceles del imperio:
- Videos de Ivette e Irmita, hijas de René González y Olga Salanueva:
- "El infierno de Guantánamo, territorio usurpado":
- "La guerra contra Cuba":
- "Sistema migratorio, Ricardo Alarcón":
- "Video acerca de la emigración":
- "CIA, la invasión silenciosa":
- "Bacardí, el secreto del murciélago":
- "Sobre el terrorista Luis Posada Carriles":
- "Entrevista a Posada en ABC News":
- "Bin Laden en La Habana":
- "Diversos Videos relacionados":
posted by F Espinoza