Beyond PGA:
Days & Nights of Communist ideas and action
A short analysis of the socio-political role of the PGA
Our consensus analysis decided that the PGA is incapable of achieving revolutionary change as this is something which can only be acheived by the working class at a global level. We speak for our group and no-one else.
These texts express our position following the workshops at the recent european Conference of Peoples' Global Action at Resnik.
At first we must understand Peoples Global Action (PGA) - and subsequently Peoples Global Action in Europe Process (PGA-e)) - as institutions which parallel the development of capitalist institutions of governance.
Over the last 30 years, capital expanded both horizontally (over the whole planet) and vertically (the commodification of everyday life i.e. leisure). New institutions were created to manage the dynamics of the world markets, such as the World Bank, the Group of 8 (G8), the World Trade Organisation (WTO) etc. The PGA was originally created as an "opposition" to such institutions, and more specifically as an "opposition" to the World Trade Organisation whose 2nd WTO ministerial conference took place in Geneva in May 1998. The PGA-e is the child of the PGA.
Days & Nights of Communist ideas and action
A short analysis of the socio-political role of the PGA
Our consensus analysis decided that the PGA is incapable of achieving revolutionary change as this is something which can only be acheived by the working class at a global level. We speak for our group and no-one else.
These texts express our position following the workshops at the recent european Conference of Peoples' Global Action at Resnik.
At first we must understand Peoples Global Action (PGA) - and subsequently Peoples Global Action in Europe Process (PGA-e)) - as institutions which parallel the development of capitalist institutions of governance.
Over the last 30 years, capital expanded both horizontally (over the whole planet) and vertically (the commodification of everyday life i.e. leisure). New institutions were created to manage the dynamics of the world markets, such as the World Bank, the Group of 8 (G8), the World Trade Organisation (WTO) etc. The PGA was originally created as an "opposition" to such institutions, and more specifically as an "opposition" to the World Trade Organisation whose 2nd WTO ministerial conference took place in Geneva in May 1998. The PGA-e is the child of the PGA.
From Institutional Racism To Flirting With Fascism
Confronting Institutional Racism in Peoples Global Action
Friday 15th October 7 p.m. - 9 p.m. Followed by Sabbatai Zevi Benefit Party
@ London Action Resource Centre
www.londonarc.org 62 Fieldgate Street, Whitechapel, London E1 1ES. Phone: 020 7377 9088
We do not have, nor represent, one single unified position on the PGA.
We are however, all united in the knowledge of the PGA Europe organising process as un-transparent, non-participatory, and exclusionary. The organising process of the PGA conference in Belgrade has essentially been controlled by a hidden oligarchy. Because the organising process and methodology both in the UK and at the European level has not reflected the hallmarks and organisational principles which the PGA aspires to, the PGA Europe process is politically bankrupt.
However we wish to state clearly that we recognise, value and support the energy, diversity, and experiences of those involved with the PGA.
It is also important to say that some of us have tried to work inside the PGA process, fighting to "democritise" the PGA, and as such, much of our criticism is borne from experience and cannot be dismissed. Some of us believe that it is possible to rebuild the PGA to make it closer to the ideals it claims, and to build a truly participative process, others - after their experiences - believe this is simply not possible. Some of us wish to go further and say that the entire basis of the PGA is fundamentally illegitimate, that it only represents a space for the co-option of struggles, and that as such, it should be opposed. While others are aware of the problems within the PGA process but don't wish to be defined by them and are simply interested in working with organisational processes that are more authentic under the statement "another world is inevitable". We all however are united in our diversity and in our desire to act together in ways that respect these differences.
- we invite you to join us...
West India Zapatista
http://www.paki.tv 
paki.tv@cyber-rights.net
See you in London!
Beyond PGA:
Days & Nights of Communist ideas and action
A short analysis of the socio-political role of the PGA
Our consensus analysis decided that the PGA is incapable of achieving revolutionary change as this is something which can only be acheived by the working class at a global level. We speak for our group and no-one else.
These texts express our position following the workshops at the recent european Conference of Peoples' Global Action at Resnik.
At first we must understand Peoples Global Action (PGA) - and subsequently Peoples Global Action in Europe Process (PGA-e)) - as institutions which parallel the development of capitalist institutions of governance.
Over the last 30 years, capital expanded both horizontally (over the whole planet) and vertically (the commodification of everyday life i.e. leisure). New institutions were created to manage the dynamics of the world markets, such as the World Bank, the Group of 8 (G8), the World Trade Organisation (WTO) etc. The PGA was originally created as an "opposition" to such institutions, and more specifically as an "opposition" to the World Trade Organisation whose 2nd WTO ministerial conference took place in Geneva in May 1998. The PGA-e is the child of the PGA.
But what does the PGA really oppose? Having a look at its principles and objectives (and even worse taken part in its Europe process) we mainly see a concentration on manipulating formal decision making processes, and keeping information (and hence power) in hands of a small selection of white middle class people. These demands are basically systemic; they do not try and deal with social heirarchies, such as sexism, racism and imperialism - and above all class power but reproduce them. They try to control the "bad" effects of individualism, as if policies are the problem and not capitalism itself and its institutions as a whole system [1].
To put it differently, the PGA does not enable anti-systemic change. So, we can see the PGA as a new "reformist International", as "extra-institutional neo-libertarianism" which has adjusted itself to the new internationalised politics of capital (and the simultaneous decline of parliamentary politics at the level of the nation state).
Practically, the PGA-e, as an pseudo-governmental agent which tries to influence activist policies, must present itself as "a legitimate network". Thus, it promotes itself through its hallmarks, without challenging accepting these as anything other than advertising copy. Its co-operation with institutions of the status quo, such as the Serbian Police (handing them copies of the passports of all participants), and the condemnation of any anti-systemic movement that radically breaks the imposed limits of social control [2] are manifestations of its compliance.
The synthesis of the PGA is quite problematic. Its main characteristic is "plurality/diversity", as it results from a drive for inclusivity. This plurality/diversity helps the circulation of different experiences, ideas, struggles. Moreover, it manages to attract towards politics a lot of people who are starting out in their political activity. So, it seems to have positive aspects. Yet, it unavoidably displays a lack of a comprehensive, common social analysis and common action of participating PGA groups, which in turn drives the PGA-e, as a body of power [3], towards hidden objectives.
Let's take this point further, as differences in the analysis suggest different goals in the social struggle. Very briefly, we conceptualise capitalism as a system which develops through two dynamic streams - the first one has to do with "capitalists' competition"; the competition between capitalist institutions (such as companies) which is grounded on the market economy and leads to "economic development", to the commodification of every aspect of our lives (vertical expansion) and to the marketization of every part of the planet (horizontal expansion). The second trend, and more important for us, is "class struggle", the competition between capital and labour, related to the historical development of class society (i.e. from feudalism and its crises to the slave-based econonomies of early European imperialism to the "wage slavery"of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, to the digital slavery of the twenty first century.
anarchists/anti-authoritarians
The lack of such analysis by the PGA as a whole leads it to the fostering of uncritical individualism which indirectly facilitates heirarchical relations, in terms of gender, race and social class. In other words, it leads it to the inclusion of groups and organizations whose actions are not anti-capitalist at all [5].
Another problem regarding the lack of an accountability in the process is given by the following example: at the PGA organised conference in Belgrade in July 2004, the venue was changed from Resnik to Jajinci with out seeking to gain the consensus of all the people involved. The Resnik comrades were excluded from the Belgrade process and ridiculed by other long-standing PGA activists. In other words, DSM, the organising group wanted to protect their cultural capital. So the actions that the PGA-e undertook were basically a part of "capitalists' competition". While the most of the people involved in the PGA-e process were haoppy to go along with this, most of the PGA delegates did not seem to understand what they were really supporting.
Another frustrating aspect of many groups and organizations that participate in the PGA - as a result of their lack of a class analysis - is the fact that they seem to identify problems of power only at an individual level, and they neglect capitalist relationships and their consequences in our everyday life. The indirect effect of this stance is to focus on the personl dynamic of discussions as personal issues, rather than dealing with the collective issues which create institutional racism, sexiam and similar forms of discrimination.
This emphasis on the "individual" is also demonstrated by the PGA's organizational structures. Even if the PGA publicizes itself as "decentralised participatory democracy", it is in reality hierarchical and thus becomes a field where other hierarchical organizations, such as middle class careerists, try to control it in pursuit of their own interests.
To sum up, the PGA analysis criticizes heirarchy as an ideology promoted by the powerful of the world, and not capitalism as a whole, as a socio-economic system and an everyday relationship. Moreover, the PGA does not provide any comprehensive critique of other domination mechanisms like the social class, which is directly connected with capital. As a result of this analysis, it promotes reformist demands by using creating a network which is more earily accessed by young middle-class West-Europeans with a vague vision of an "anarchist society".
Thus, the PGA-e is the perfect "opponent" for the present networks and institutions of power - an opponent which does not really challenge, an opponent with minimalist objectives which perfectly matches the image of "good, pluralist democracy". And to take it further; the fact that the PGA-e has tried until now to represent the anti-globalisation movement [7] and "civil society" demonstrates its potentially dangerous role on the global scene - that of becoming the new "pool" where people will feel that they are active, political participants, but where their hope, disappointment or anger will be filtrated not to radical, emancipatory demands and visions, but to reformist ones.
Autonomous spaces during the Beyond ESF
As we believe that every person has the potential for radicalisation, both in thought and action, we want to organize events which promote communist ways of organization with a radical, class-based critique of the contemporary institutions of domination - and we consider the PGA-e as one of them.
The distinction of the PGA-London from the main PGA-e procedures is, for us, a clear example of the radicalization processes. Thus, we accepted, after a lot of meetings, hesitation and skepticism, to work with the PGA-London, Indymedia and other groups at a loose level of co-ordination such as organising transport to Belgrade. Keeping our differences explicit, we consider that many of the groups in the PGA, but also many of the individuals who have been involved with them, will be interested in a more radical social analysis and direct action.
So, instead of letting the PGA become the new representative body of "sensitive, political activist", we want to demonstrate "another process is possibe" which is already here today
The world of... Self-Organisation - Solidarity - Community - Direct Action
Confronting Institutional Racism in Peoples Global Action
Friday 15th October 7 p.m. - 9 p.m. Followed by Sabbatai Zevi Benefit Party
@ London Action Resource Centre
www.londonarc.org 62 Fieldgate Street, Whitechapel, London E1 1ES. Phone: 020 7377 9088
We do not have, nor represent, one single unified position on the PGA.
We are however, all united in the knowledge of the PGA Europe organising process as un-transparent, non-participatory, and exclusionary. The organising process of the PGA conference in Belgrade has essentially been controlled by a hidden oligarchy. Because the organising process and methodology both in the UK and at the European level has not reflected the hallmarks and organisational principles which the PGA aspires to, the PGA Europe process is politically bankrupt.
However we wish to state clearly that we recognise, value and support the energy, diversity, and experiences of those involved with the PGA.
It is also important to say that some of us have tried to work inside the PGA process, fighting to "democritise" the PGA, and as such, much of our criticism is borne from experience and cannot be dismissed. Some of us believe that it is possible to rebuild the PGA to make it closer to the ideals it claims, and to build a truly participative process, others - after their experiences - believe this is simply not possible. Some of us wish to go further and say that the entire basis of the PGA is fundamentally illegitimate, that it only represents a space for the co-option of struggles, and that as such, it should be opposed. While others are aware of the problems within the PGA process but don't wish to be defined by them and are simply interested in working with organisational processes that are more authentic under the statement "another world is inevitable". We all however are united in our diversity and in our desire to act together in ways that respect these differences.
- we invite you to join us...
West India Zapatista
http://www.paki.tv paki.tv@cyber-rights.net See you in London!
Beyond PGA:
Days & Nights of Communist ideas and action
A short analysis of the socio-political role of the PGA
Our consensus analysis decided that the PGA is incapable of achieving revolutionary change as this is something which can only be acheived by the working class at a global level. We speak for our group and no-one else.
These texts express our position following the workshops at the recent european Conference of Peoples' Global Action at Resnik.
At first we must understand Peoples Global Action (PGA) - and subsequently Peoples Global Action in Europe Process (PGA-e)) - as institutions which parallel the development of capitalist institutions of governance.
Over the last 30 years, capital expanded both horizontally (over the whole planet) and vertically (the commodification of everyday life i.e. leisure). New institutions were created to manage the dynamics of the world markets, such as the World Bank, the Group of 8 (G8), the World Trade Organisation (WTO) etc. The PGA was originally created as an "opposition" to such institutions, and more specifically as an "opposition" to the World Trade Organisation whose 2nd WTO ministerial conference took place in Geneva in May 1998. The PGA-e is the child of the PGA.
But what does the PGA really oppose? Having a look at its principles and objectives (and even worse taken part in its Europe process) we mainly see a concentration on manipulating formal decision making processes, and keeping information (and hence power) in hands of a small selection of white middle class people. These demands are basically systemic; they do not try and deal with social heirarchies, such as sexism, racism and imperialism - and above all class power but reproduce them. They try to control the "bad" effects of individualism, as if policies are the problem and not capitalism itself and its institutions as a whole system [1].
To put it differently, the PGA does not enable anti-systemic change. So, we can see the PGA as a new "reformist International", as "extra-institutional neo-libertarianism" which has adjusted itself to the new internationalised politics of capital (and the simultaneous decline of parliamentary politics at the level of the nation state).
Practically, the PGA-e, as an pseudo-governmental agent which tries to influence activist policies, must present itself as "a legitimate network". Thus, it promotes itself through its hallmarks, without challenging accepting these as anything other than advertising copy. Its co-operation with institutions of the status quo, such as the Serbian Police (handing them copies of the passports of all participants), and the condemnation of any anti-systemic movement that radically breaks the imposed limits of social control [2] are manifestations of its compliance.
The synthesis of the PGA is quite problematic. Its main characteristic is "plurality/diversity", as it results from a drive for inclusivity. This plurality/diversity helps the circulation of different experiences, ideas, struggles. Moreover, it manages to attract towards politics a lot of people who are starting out in their political activity. So, it seems to have positive aspects. Yet, it unavoidably displays a lack of a comprehensive, common social analysis and common action of participating PGA groups, which in turn drives the PGA-e, as a body of power [3], towards hidden objectives.
Let's take this point further, as differences in the analysis suggest different goals in the social struggle. Very briefly, we conceptualise capitalism as a system which develops through two dynamic streams - the first one has to do with "capitalists' competition"; the competition between capitalist institutions (such as companies) which is grounded on the market economy and leads to "economic development", to the commodification of every aspect of our lives (vertical expansion) and to the marketization of every part of the planet (horizontal expansion). The second trend, and more important for us, is "class struggle", the competition between capital and labour, related to the historical development of class society (i.e. from feudalism and its crises to the slave-based econonomies of early European imperialism to the "wage slavery"of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, to the digital slavery of the twenty first century.
anarchists/anti-authoritarians
The lack of such analysis by the PGA as a whole leads it to the fostering of uncritical individualism which indirectly facilitates heirarchical relations, in terms of gender, race and social class. In other words, it leads it to the inclusion of groups and organizations whose actions are not anti-capitalist at all [5].
Another problem regarding the lack of an accountability in the process is given by the following example: at the PGA organised conference in Belgrade in July 2004, the venue was changed from Resnik to Jajinci with out seeking to gain the consensus of all the people involved. The Resnik comrades were excluded from the Belgrade process and ridiculed by other long-standing PGA activists. In other words, DSM, the organising group wanted to protect their cultural capital. So the actions that the PGA-e undertook were basically a part of "capitalists' competition". While the most of the people involved in the PGA-e process were haoppy to go along with this, most of the PGA delegates did not seem to understand what they were really supporting.
Another frustrating aspect of many groups and organizations that participate in the PGA - as a result of their lack of a class analysis - is the fact that they seem to identify problems of power only at an individual level, and they neglect capitalist relationships and their consequences in our everyday life. The indirect effect of this stance is to focus on the personl dynamic of discussions as personal issues, rather than dealing with the collective issues which create institutional racism, sexiam and similar forms of discrimination.
This emphasis on the "individual" is also demonstrated by the PGA's organizational structures. Even if the PGA publicizes itself as "decentralised participatory democracy", it is in reality hierarchical and thus becomes a field where other hierarchical organizations, such as middle class careerists, try to control it in pursuit of their own interests.
To sum up, the PGA analysis criticizes heirarchy as an ideology promoted by the powerful of the world, and not capitalism as a whole, as a socio-economic system and an everyday relationship. Moreover, the PGA does not provide any comprehensive critique of other domination mechanisms like the social class, which is directly connected with capital. As a result of this analysis, it promotes reformist demands by using creating a network which is more earily accessed by young middle-class West-Europeans with a vague vision of an "anarchist society".
Thus, the PGA-e is the perfect "opponent" for the present networks and institutions of power - an opponent which does not really challenge, an opponent with minimalist objectives which perfectly matches the image of "good, pluralist democracy". And to take it further; the fact that the PGA-e has tried until now to represent the anti-globalisation movement [7] and "civil society" demonstrates its potentially dangerous role on the global scene - that of becoming the new "pool" where people will feel that they are active, political participants, but where their hope, disappointment or anger will be filtrated not to radical, emancipatory demands and visions, but to reformist ones.
Autonomous spaces during the Beyond ESF
As we believe that every person has the potential for radicalisation, both in thought and action, we want to organize events which promote communist ways of organization with a radical, class-based critique of the contemporary institutions of domination - and we consider the PGA-e as one of them.
The distinction of the PGA-London from the main PGA-e procedures is, for us, a clear example of the radicalization processes. Thus, we accepted, after a lot of meetings, hesitation and skepticism, to work with the PGA-London, Indymedia and other groups at a loose level of co-ordination such as organising transport to Belgrade. Keeping our differences explicit, we consider that many of the groups in the PGA, but also many of the individuals who have been involved with them, will be interested in a more radical social analysis and direct action.
So, instead of letting the PGA become the new representative body of "sensitive, political activist", we want to demonstrate "another process is possibe" which is already here today
The world of... Self-Organisation - Solidarity - Community - Direct Action
Comments
Hide the following 10 comments
Fabian & Assim....
09.10.2004 17:05
watching yoooooou
Clarification please!
09.10.2004 17:48
So the actions of the DSM in Belgrade, the rejection of a purely marxist perspective and the fact that many participants in the European PGA process are white and middle-class mean that the PGA is now bankrupt?
1) The DSM is NOT the PGA. I was not at the gathering, but have heard some good and some mixed accounts. The PGA is a network, it is not a group. The DSM convened the gathering. There were financial and logistical difficulties sorting out the conference. It is possible that there was competition between the DSM and other groups - this is an issue for discussion, but should not be seen as indicitive of the network as a whole.
2) The rejection of purely economic or Marxist ideology is characteristic, in my opinion, of the rise of the anti-capitalist/global justice movement(s). It is characteristic of a form of politics which has been on the decline in particular since the fall of the Soviet Union and (internationalist) capitalist development of China and other 'communist' countries. The rise of anarchism as a valid alternative to capitalism and (a failed form of) marxism is another characteristic of this movement. To call for a tight ideological line in this way is to misunderstand the very reasons that the anti-capitalist movement has come about.
3) Has it not occured to the author(s) that the majority of anti-capitalist activists are white and middle-class and that this has been a recognised problem within the wider activist community for some time? From what I understand, it is a problem in other English speaking countries and probably throughout Europe as a whole - and not just those who engage with the PGA network. To say that the PGA is bankrupt because of this is to call the entire movement across Europe as bankrupt.
I am interested in finding out which group or (collection of?) individuals is releasing this onto Indymedia and what their agenda is. The assertion that the process is bankrupt but that activists involved in it are *not* doesn't really strike me as being convincing. Are they saying that PGA connected activists haven't seen the error of their ways yet - that they're actually colluding with capitalist apparatus and furthering neoliberalism? Or is it that they are actually connected to different left-wing groups who for some political reason wish to disrupt the process? The lack of a real critique either here, or on the website where I have seen this text posted before, make me believe that this the purpose of this 'critique' is destructive rather than constructive.
FYI I am not currently involved with the PGA process, but supportive of its aims. I also understand that certain individuals connected with the Socialist Party have previously indicated that they would like to disrupt the process, though there may be a multitude of other groups that would see the disruption of PGA as being potentially beneficial for themselves.
The PGA hallmarks:
"# A very clear rejection of capitalism, imperialism and feudalism; all trade agreements, institutions and governments that promote destructive globalisation;
# We reject all forms and systems of domination and discrimination including, but not limited to, patriarchy, racism and religious fundamentalism of all creeds. We embrace the full dignity of all human beings.
# A confrontational attitude, since we do not think that lobbying can have a major impact in such biased and undemocratic organisations, in which transnational capital is the only real policy-maker;
# A call to direct action and civil disobedience, support for social movements' struggles, advocating forms of resistance which maximize respect for life and oppressed peoples' rights, as well as the construction of local alternatives to global capitalism;
# An organisational philosophy based on decentralisation and autonomy. (
Krop
clarification
09.10.2004 20:19
another london watcher
Divisions in the "Movement"
10.10.2004 14:17
Fabian
W.Essex Zapatista
e-mail:
paki.tv@cyber-rights.net
Homepage:
http://www.paki.tv
Not enough! More rigour needed!
10.10.2004 14:34
But you know what? - your problem is you don't go far enough! Your meeting may get more than three people, and given how capitalism reifies and fetishises everyone so much one or two of them are bound to not be quite up to it. So I'm calling a Beyond-London-PGA-and-everything-else gathering for the next night, Saturday, at the SchNEWS party in the Coronet. We'll meet at the bar when ageing Brighton rockers Flannel are playing and argue until people tell us to shut up and get a life. Of course if you pay to get in that makes you a capitalist so you have to blag it, but that shouldn't be a problem for you lucky and very special people who have realised that, whether by design or chance, you are actually the sole bearers of TRUE revolutionary thought on this planet.
Anti-heirariciciachal? My Auntie Betty's got more sense.
x
l
PGA is punts!
10.10.2004 14:51
Sunshine
Futility of it all
10.10.2004 16:22
I like the PGA hallmarks but I think I might move to the south pole as I am sure the current political scene is very unhealthy for my sanity. perhaps I'll become a top secret spy or go back to cleaning.
Kill Mal Faiteurs Slowly
WTF???
10.10.2004 23:18
PGA / Beyond ESF funded by far-right groups?? Speak for yourself!
Either you should retract this comment or provide evidence for it. There is no need to start stupid rumours and put slurs on people like that.
You're description of PGA sounds nothing like the PGA I've heard about by attending the Earth First! Summer Gathering and by reading Paul Kingsnorth's book One No Many Yeses.
As for the comment about "stuck-up middle class twats pretending to be revolutionaries", again stop attacking other people in the movement. So what if we're middle class. It's an accident of birth. At least we *want* a fairer world. OK so we don't give all our money to homeless people. But *****WOULD YOU*****? Are you just jealous of middle class people or do you actually think that you have some sort of moral superiority to middle class activists. And so what if middle class students like going around wearing Che Guevara t-shirts imagining they're some kind of hero. Surely you can forgive people for that, why is that so offensive? Everyone like's to pretend every now and then, it's fun to pretend.
What gets me isn't any particular group in the movement. I don't hate anyone in the movement, not even the SWP ;-). But what really does drive me absolutely fucking insane is SECTARIANISM. The fucking circular firing squad. The people's front of judea vs the judean people's front. It's good to have political differences, that's a STRENGTH of the movement. But let's stop sitting around slagging eachother off. We're all on the same side here. Honestly we are. And if there's a flood of comments to the contrary then that's the vocal minority who like to shout people down.
Ozymandias
qed
11.10.2004 21:59
stweart home's ex-boyfriend
What us sectarianism?
13.10.2004 14:40
The real sectarianism we have found in the PGA process is the way issue we want to raise and debate have been supressed precisely by those who don't want to discuss them. Criticising domination by middle class people does not mean condemning people for the accident of their birth. But when matters are organised so that such priveleges are preserved or even enhanced - then that should be seen as a very real problem which middle class people should be happy to see addressed. However when they resist an analysis of this, then it seems that they are protecting their own privilege, just as men can defend their own privelege by avoiding discussions of sexism and White people can defend their priveleges by avoiding discussions of racism.
Fabian
e-mail:
Paki.tv@cyber-rights.net