Posada Carriles case: US government moves to gag terrorist on CIA ties
Bill Van Auken | 03.05.2007 11:58 | Terror War | World
With his trial on immigration charges set for May 11, the US government has filed a motion in federal court seeking to bar the international terrorist Luis Posada Carriles from testifying on his role as an agent of the Central Intelligence Agency.
Venezuela has demanded that Posada Carriles be extradited to face charges there related to his masterminding of a 1976 bombing of a Cuban civilian passenger jet that killed 73 people. He evaded punishment for the crime—at the time the worst single act of terrorism in the Western Hemisphere—by escaping a Venezuelan prison in 1985.
Violating international and bilateral treaties, Washington has rebuffed Venezuela’s request, charging Posada Carriles instead with minor violations of US immigration law for entering the US without a visa and lying to immigration officials. Last month, the terrorist, who had been in federal custody since May 2005, was set free on bail and returned to Miami.
The release has provoked international protests and exposed the hypocrisy of the so-called “global war on terrorism” proclaimed by a government that has sponsored and continues to harbor and protect a wanted terrorist.
The nine-page motion submitted to the federal court in El Paso, Texas, argues that the relationship between Posada Carriles and the CIA ended 30 years ago and therefore is irrelevant.
Declassified documents have established that Carriles was recruited as an agent of the CIA in 1961, was sent into the US Army for a year of training in demolition and terrorist tactics and remained directly on the CIA payroll at least until 1967. From 1969 to 1974, he served as a senior officer in the Venezuelan secret police, DISIP, charged with capturing, torturing and killing left-wing opponents of the government. During that period he remained an informant and “asset” of the CIA in Latin America.
In 1976, he planned the airline bombing, leaving its execution to two employees of his private detective agency that he set up in Caracas after a change of government forced him out of the secret police. Just two weeks before the October 1976 airline bombing, he was involved in another terrorist attack, this one in the center of Washington. A car bomb killed the exiled former foreign minister of Chile, Orlando Letelier, and an American aide, Ronni Moffitt.
After his escape from prison in Venezuela, Posada Carriles made his way to El Salvador, where he became a key operative in the illegal terror war against Nicaragua financed by the CIA and directed by the network established by the Reagan administration under the direction of Lt. Col. Oliver North of the National Security Council. He went on to Guatemala, becoming a government intelligence officer during a brutal counterinsurgency campaign that claimed hundreds of thousands of lives.
In the 1990s, by his own admission, Posada Carriles directed a series of terrorist bombings against hotels and tourist spots in Cuba, killing an Italian tourist.
And, in November 2000, he was involved in an aborted attempt to blow up a conference hall in Panama, where Cuban President Fidel Castro was scheduled to speak to hundreds of people. He was arrested and jailed for the plot, but then pardoned by outgoing Panamanian President Mireya Moscoso in 2004, reportedly as the result of either US pressure or bribes from anti-Castro Cuban exile groups.
In response to the government attempt to quash any public testimony about Posada Carriles’s ties to the CIA, the terrorist’s defense lawyers filed a countermotion this week, insisting that it was impossible to discuss the “context” of the case without dealing with their client’s relation with the agency. Moreover, the document claimed, this relationship “lasted for 25 years.”
“The government’s statement that his service to the United States ended in 1976 is incorrect,” the document said.
The implications of the motion are clear. Posada Carriles was working for the CIA when he planned and executed the terrorist bombing that murdered 73 people aboard the Cuban plane as well as the car-bomb assassination in Washington. Moreover, he remained an agent or “asset” of the US intelligence agency while continuing to carry out acts of terrorist and repressive violence in Cuba, Central America and elsewhere for at least another decade. Both of the 1976 terrorist acts took place when George H.W. Bush, the current US president’s father, was director of the CIA.
Declassified documents obtained by the National Security Archive
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB153/index.htm in 2005 establish that the CIA had advance intelligence on the planned airline bombing and that the FBI’s attaché in Caracas had repeated contacts with one of the operatives who placed the bomb on the plane and, just days before the bombing, obtained a visa for him to travel to the US.
The US government’s attempt to gag Posada Carriles about his CIA ties and the countermotion alleging that these connections spanned at least 25 years expose the real reason that the Bush administration refuses to abide by international law and extradite him to Venezuela to face trial.
While the administration has offered the incredible justification that Posada Carriles could face torture in Venezuela—this from a government that has not only tortured its own detainees at Guantánamo, Abu Ghraib and elsewhere, but also deliberately sent them to other countries to be tortured—the real reason is that such a prosecution would expose Washington’s role in decades of terrorism and repression in Latin America.
On April 25, Venezuela’s ambassador to the Organization of American States, Nelson Pineda, charged the US with harboring a “convicted and confessed terrorist” and demanded that Washington comply with its bilateral extradition treaty with Venezuela. Pineda read out a statement from the Venezuelan Foreign Ministry that stated:
“The freeing of the terrorist Luis Posada Carriles is the final result of the maneuver that the government of George W. Bush put in motion to protect him and with this act it promotes impunity and disgracefully mocks the memory of the victims of the bombing of the Cubana de Aviación plane that took place in 1976.
“This act of complicity, committed by the sinister American president, seeks to buy the silence of Posada Carriles, who has for many years been an agent of the CIA and a pawn of the Bush clan, as the declassified documents of the US demonstrate and therefore has valuable information about the criminal activities carried out against the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean.”
Responding to these charges, the US alternate representative to the OAS, Margarita Riva-Geoghegan, ignored Venezuela’s extradition request, baldly stating, “The United States is not harboring Luis Posada Carriles.” She continued, “The United States is proceeding with its own national prosecution in an area where Mr. Posada Carriles has broken US law.”
Such claims are absurd on their face. The charges of murder and terrorism, substantiated by Washington’s own declassified documents, clearly take precedence over the minor immigration infractions that are being used as a pretense for ignoring the demand for extradition and providing a cover for what is in reality the harboring and protection of Posada Carriles.
In Cuba, meanwhile, the annual May Day demonstration in Havana was dominated by signs and slogans demanding the extradition of Posada Carriles as well as the freeing of the “Cuban Five,” five Cuban nationals who have been jailed in the US since 1998. Framed up on conspiracy and espionage-related charges for monitoring anti-Castro terrorist exile groups based in Miami, the five were convicted in 2001 and sentenced to jail terms ranging from 15 years to life.
Violating international and bilateral treaties, Washington has rebuffed Venezuela’s request, charging Posada Carriles instead with minor violations of US immigration law for entering the US without a visa and lying to immigration officials. Last month, the terrorist, who had been in federal custody since May 2005, was set free on bail and returned to Miami.
The release has provoked international protests and exposed the hypocrisy of the so-called “global war on terrorism” proclaimed by a government that has sponsored and continues to harbor and protect a wanted terrorist.
The nine-page motion submitted to the federal court in El Paso, Texas, argues that the relationship between Posada Carriles and the CIA ended 30 years ago and therefore is irrelevant.
Declassified documents have established that Carriles was recruited as an agent of the CIA in 1961, was sent into the US Army for a year of training in demolition and terrorist tactics and remained directly on the CIA payroll at least until 1967. From 1969 to 1974, he served as a senior officer in the Venezuelan secret police, DISIP, charged with capturing, torturing and killing left-wing opponents of the government. During that period he remained an informant and “asset” of the CIA in Latin America.
In 1976, he planned the airline bombing, leaving its execution to two employees of his private detective agency that he set up in Caracas after a change of government forced him out of the secret police. Just two weeks before the October 1976 airline bombing, he was involved in another terrorist attack, this one in the center of Washington. A car bomb killed the exiled former foreign minister of Chile, Orlando Letelier, and an American aide, Ronni Moffitt.
After his escape from prison in Venezuela, Posada Carriles made his way to El Salvador, where he became a key operative in the illegal terror war against Nicaragua financed by the CIA and directed by the network established by the Reagan administration under the direction of Lt. Col. Oliver North of the National Security Council. He went on to Guatemala, becoming a government intelligence officer during a brutal counterinsurgency campaign that claimed hundreds of thousands of lives.
In the 1990s, by his own admission, Posada Carriles directed a series of terrorist bombings against hotels and tourist spots in Cuba, killing an Italian tourist.
And, in November 2000, he was involved in an aborted attempt to blow up a conference hall in Panama, where Cuban President Fidel Castro was scheduled to speak to hundreds of people. He was arrested and jailed for the plot, but then pardoned by outgoing Panamanian President Mireya Moscoso in 2004, reportedly as the result of either US pressure or bribes from anti-Castro Cuban exile groups.
In response to the government attempt to quash any public testimony about Posada Carriles’s ties to the CIA, the terrorist’s defense lawyers filed a countermotion this week, insisting that it was impossible to discuss the “context” of the case without dealing with their client’s relation with the agency. Moreover, the document claimed, this relationship “lasted for 25 years.”
“The government’s statement that his service to the United States ended in 1976 is incorrect,” the document said.
The implications of the motion are clear. Posada Carriles was working for the CIA when he planned and executed the terrorist bombing that murdered 73 people aboard the Cuban plane as well as the car-bomb assassination in Washington. Moreover, he remained an agent or “asset” of the US intelligence agency while continuing to carry out acts of terrorist and repressive violence in Cuba, Central America and elsewhere for at least another decade. Both of the 1976 terrorist acts took place when George H.W. Bush, the current US president’s father, was director of the CIA.
Declassified documents obtained by the National Security Archive
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB153/index.htm in 2005 establish that the CIA had advance intelligence on the planned airline bombing and that the FBI’s attaché in Caracas had repeated contacts with one of the operatives who placed the bomb on the plane and, just days before the bombing, obtained a visa for him to travel to the US. The US government’s attempt to gag Posada Carriles about his CIA ties and the countermotion alleging that these connections spanned at least 25 years expose the real reason that the Bush administration refuses to abide by international law and extradite him to Venezuela to face trial.
While the administration has offered the incredible justification that Posada Carriles could face torture in Venezuela—this from a government that has not only tortured its own detainees at Guantánamo, Abu Ghraib and elsewhere, but also deliberately sent them to other countries to be tortured—the real reason is that such a prosecution would expose Washington’s role in decades of terrorism and repression in Latin America.
On April 25, Venezuela’s ambassador to the Organization of American States, Nelson Pineda, charged the US with harboring a “convicted and confessed terrorist” and demanded that Washington comply with its bilateral extradition treaty with Venezuela. Pineda read out a statement from the Venezuelan Foreign Ministry that stated:
“The freeing of the terrorist Luis Posada Carriles is the final result of the maneuver that the government of George W. Bush put in motion to protect him and with this act it promotes impunity and disgracefully mocks the memory of the victims of the bombing of the Cubana de Aviación plane that took place in 1976.
“This act of complicity, committed by the sinister American president, seeks to buy the silence of Posada Carriles, who has for many years been an agent of the CIA and a pawn of the Bush clan, as the declassified documents of the US demonstrate and therefore has valuable information about the criminal activities carried out against the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean.”
Responding to these charges, the US alternate representative to the OAS, Margarita Riva-Geoghegan, ignored Venezuela’s extradition request, baldly stating, “The United States is not harboring Luis Posada Carriles.” She continued, “The United States is proceeding with its own national prosecution in an area where Mr. Posada Carriles has broken US law.”
Such claims are absurd on their face. The charges of murder and terrorism, substantiated by Washington’s own declassified documents, clearly take precedence over the minor immigration infractions that are being used as a pretense for ignoring the demand for extradition and providing a cover for what is in reality the harboring and protection of Posada Carriles.
In Cuba, meanwhile, the annual May Day demonstration in Havana was dominated by signs and slogans demanding the extradition of Posada Carriles as well as the freeing of the “Cuban Five,” five Cuban nationals who have been jailed in the US since 1998. Framed up on conspiracy and espionage-related charges for monitoring anti-Castro terrorist exile groups based in Miami, the five were convicted in 2001 and sentenced to jail terms ranging from 15 years to life.
Bill Van Auken
Homepage:
http://wsws.org/articles/2007/may2007/posa-m03.shtml
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U.S. Terrorism against CUBA...
03.05.2007 15:04
Free the Cuban Five! Extradite Posada!
The Nation
2007-04-27
26 April 2007, New York, NY – Today The Nation Magazine released its first-ever special issue devoted to the future of Cuba. With Cuba and the media buzzing about the possible return of Fidel Castro next week to the public stage, what now?
The Nation and guest editor Peter Kornbluh writes in this issue:
"Perhaps more than any other nation over the past fifty years, Cuba has consistently faced both threatened and real assassination attempts, sabotage efforts, armed attacks and bombings, infamous among them the midair destruction of a Cubana passenger plane in 1976.
Yet even in the post-9/11 world, US soil continues to be used for such purposes.
In fact, the Five are better understood as counterterrorism agents whose goal was to protect Cubans and other innocent victims from the violence of committed terrorists like Luis Posada. The Bush Administration's handling of these two historically inseparable cases is a reminder that, when it comes to Cuba, US policy-makers refuse to recognize the difference between those who commit acts of terror and those seeking to counter them."
Terror and the Counterterrorists
Peter Kornbluh
On November 17, 2000, shortly after arriving in Panama City for a summit of Ibero-American leaders, Fidel Castro held a press conference to announce that the legendary Cuban exile terrorist Luis Posada Carriles had also come to Panama... on an assassination mission. The Cuban authorities subsequently supplied a video of Posada and three co-conspirators meeting in front of their hotel. Within forty-eight hours Panamanian officials located a gym bag containing thirty-three pounds of C4 explosives that Posada apparently had planned to use to blow up the auditorium where Castro was scheduled to speak.
How did the Castro government know of Posada's plot? Cuban intelligence, known as the DGI, had a high-level mole in one of the exile groups reporting on the assassination operation as it evolved. The Cuban spy program potentially saved dozens of lives and averted an act of international terrorism.
Perhaps more than any other nation over the past fifty years, Cuba has consistently faced both threatened and real assassination attempts, sabotage efforts, armed attacks and bombings, infamous among them the midair destruction of a Cubana passenger plane in 1976. (CIA and FBI documents implicate Posada, who was once paid by the agency as a demolitions trainer, as the mastermind of that attack.) Long after the CIA abandoned its direct efforts to overthrow the Castro regime and terminate its leadership, militant anti-Castro groups continued their campaign of violence. After viewing a 1977 CBS special titled "The CIA's Secret Army", on violent Cuban exile operations in Florida, President Jimmy Carter was, according to a recently declassified White House memorandum, "appalled at the idea that people could use US territory as a base for terrorist actions."
Yet even in the post-9/11 world, US soil continues to be used for such purposes. As recently as November 2005, Posada's leading financial benefactor in Miami, Santiago Alvarez, was caught with a military-grade arsenal of machine guns, grenades, silencers, explosives and thousands of rounds of ammunition--leading to speculation that violent exiles were planning another major operation against Cuba.
Just as the CIA escalated its efforts to penetrate Al Qaeda after 9/11, the DGI has devoted considerable resources to infiltrating hard-line anti-Castro organizations in Miami and monitoring the activities of Alvarez and other exile leaders with a track record of violence. In the mid-1990s Cuba sent more than a dozen operatives to Florida to establish a spy ring code-named the Red Avispa--the Wasp Network. Most of the agents were assigned to penetrate groups such as the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF/FNCA), Brothers to the Rescue and Alpha 66; one, Antonio Guerrero, was hired on as a sheet metal worker at the Boca Chica air base, where he took notes on the types of military aircraft landing and taking off and monitored the level of activity on the base.
In September 1998, the FBI moved in. Five agents--Guerrero, Fernando González, Gerardo Hernández, René González and Ramon Labañino--now known as the Cuban Five--were detained, thrown into solitary confinement for seventeen months, prosecuted for conspiracy to commit espionage (as there was no evidence they had gathered any classified US information) and given maximum sentences ranging from fifteen years to double life in prison. When a three-judge panel of the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals threw out their convictions in August 2005, issuing a unanimous decision that the Five had not received a fair trial, Attorney General Alberto Gonzales's office immediately appealed to the full Circuit Court to revisit the ruling.
Gonzales's concerted effort to keep the five Cuban spies in prison stands in sharp contrast to his inaction on keeping Posada behind bars. After being pardoned in Panama in August 2004, Posada snuck into the United States in March 2005 and requested political asylum; he was detained only after publicity on his terrorist background--much of it generated by declassified CIA and FBI documents posted on the website of my organization, the National Security Archive (*)--threatened to undermine the Bush Administration's credibility in the "war on terror." But Gonzales has refused to certify Posada as a terrorist under the provisions of the Patriot Act--certification that would allow the government to detain him indefinitely. Instead, the Justice Department has treated Posada as just another illegal immigrant, charging him only with lying about how he arrived in the country.
With Posada indicted only on immigration fraud, his lawyers have, not surprisingly, convinced three different courts that he should be released. On April 19, he posted $350,000 in bail and returned to Miami. The man that the same Justice Department has described in court filings as "an unrepentant criminal and admitted mastermind of terrorist plots" will now live comfortably under house arrest until his trial, scheduled for May 11.
In Cuba, freeing the Five and keeping Posada in prison have become cause célèbres. The first thing travelers see upon arrival at José Martí International Airport outside Havana is a huge placard featuring photographs of the "heroes of the Republic of Cuba" and demanding "Freedom for the Cuban Five"; similar signs line the corridors of major hotels. Huge public rallies have been held to call for justice for Posada's many victims and to denounce US hypocrisy for releasing him to his wife's Miami home. Fidel Castro emerged from his convalescence to accuse the Bush Administration of freeing "a monster." The Five are frequently referred to as presos políticos--political prisoners.
In fact, the Five are better understood as counterterrorism agents whose goal was to protect Cubans and other innocent victims from the violence of committed terrorists like Luis Posada. The Bush Administration's handling of these two historically inseparable cases is a reminder that, when it comes to Cuba, US policy-makers refuse to recognize the difference between those who commit acts of terror and those seeking to counter them.
Some websites related:
(*)
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Posada Carriles Lawyers Looming as Threat to the White House.
Defense lawyers of terrorist Luis Posada Carriles insist on recalling the not –so-recent times of their defendant’s conspiring with the CIA...
by Marina Menendez Quintero
May 2, 2007
Reprinted from:
The mafia behind Posada Carriles has already slipped off the gown and promises to present a spectacular striptease — one in which they will undress the White House.
The response by Posada’s lawyers to a government motion, which forbids their defendant from talking about his links to the CIA during the trial to be held May 11 in El Paso, not only confirms that the Miami Mafioso is going to talk, but that he is already talking.
This disregard for the motion should not surprise those knowing the record of this mafia of Batista sympathizers, who —while hiding behind this terrorist as the mercenaries they are— are positioned such that they can speak to judges on a first name basis.
The response —which has appeared in the computerized information system of the courts since last Monday— disregards the motion proposed by the prosecuting attorney and insists on bringing up the times when the defendant conspired with the CIA.
Evidently the defense has changed its strategy. First they wanted a court that was unaware of Posada’s record, which was impossible. Now they are the very ones requesting these same records from the administration, which is trapped by its own mistakes and refuses to present this evidence. Meanwhile the defense insists on its right to “introduce the defendant to the jury.”
The links between the defendant and the CIA “place the case in a context, and this context is determined by Posada Carriles’ 25-year relationship with the CIA.”
Is this move only about reminding Washington of the debts it owes Luis Posada Carriles and all those who, just like him, have supported state terrorism used by that government against Cuba and Latin America? Or is it about a blackmail that has reached a new level?
Actually, Miami terrorists, not even Posada Carriles, could not have accomplished much without the support of the CIA or the approval of the US administrations for which they worked.
That is why this response, which is the most caustic challange that Bush has received concerning this allegation by his constituents, who have now become his extortioners, refutes the White House’s position and once again points attention to the implications of 1976.
The sabotage of a Cuban commercial airliner off Barbados and the murder of the former Chilean Foreign Minister Orlando Letelier and his assistant Ronnie Moffit in Washington, were committed that year. These acts occurred in the wake of the foundation of CORU (an anti-Cuba terrorist organization) and when former President George Bush Sr. was then the head of CIA. Washington was aware of both incidents before they occurred, and documents prove this.
In April 1976, a bomb exploded in the Cuban embassy in Portugal. In July, another device went off in the Cuba-Costa Rica cultural center in that Central American country. Similar attacks occurred on a Cubana Airlines plane in Jamaica, in the agency’s office in Barbados and in Air Panama’s office in Colombia.
Due to this, Posada’s lawyers, contradicting the prosecution, have strongly denied that in 1976 links between their defendant and CIA were about to conclude —or were “at the point of concluding”, as stated ambiguously in government documents of that year.
This information, the defense asserts, is “false”, and to corroborate this point they cite the participation of Posada in the Iran-Contra affair during the dirty war waged by Ronald Reagan and Vice President Bush Sr. against Nicaragua, as well as Posada’s presence in “other conflicts against communist guerrillas during the 80’s.”
The Cuban people have condemned the shamelessness of the Miami mafia for a long time. However, as has been proven, this also involves Washington, especially the Bush clan.
NOR A LIAR
Lawyers forthrightly presented another motion aimed at rebutting the charge that Posada Carriles has lied about his sneaking into the US. It affirms that the government deceived him because, although they knew that he would not be able to obtain citizenship due to his criminal record, he was interviewed from April 25 to 27, 2006 for purposes of naturalization. However, they contest, the purpose had been to compile more information about Posada to be used against him.
The defence adds that the principal objective of that interview was to obtain evidence to charge Posada with migratory fraud.
Washington attorney Jose Pertierra, in statements to the Cubadebate website, considered the success of this second reply unlikely. “If the government knew before hand that the terrorist didn’t qualify for naturalization, the (defense) team should have known too (...) If immigration authorities gave him an appointment and he wanted to go voluntarily, what he said in the interview is evidence in this case,” said Pertierra.
posted by F Espinoza
More about US Terrorism against CUBA...
04.05.2007 23:52
Cuba against Terrorism!
More:
F Espinoza
Fight for Justice, Campaign
06.05.2007 12:21
Cuba against Terrorism
While in the name of the fight against terrorism, hundreds of thousands of people have died in Iraq and Afghanistan, and others - arbitrarily detained - are tortured in Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo, the United States government protects the most notorious terrorist...
LUIS POSADA CARRILES MUST BE TRIED FOR HIS CRIMES
While in the name of the fight against terrorism, hundreds of thousands of people have died in Iraq and Afghanistan, and others - arbitrarily detained - are tortured in Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo, the United States government protects the most notorious terrorist in this hemisphere, attempting to deceive public opinion through interminable pseudolegal manuevers and refusing to try him for his real crimes.
Luis Posada Carriles was accused and brought to trial in Venezuela for the 1976 attack against a commercial aircraft in which 73 persons died. After escaping from Venezuelan prisons in 1982 - leaving his trial unconcluded - he served the CIA as part of what was known as the "Irancontras" operation and also in the implementation of the genocidal Plan Cóndor. In 1997 he prepared a series of terrorist acts against hotels in Havana - in one of which the young Italian tourist, Fabio Di Celmo, lost his life -, and in the year 2000, the projected attempt against President Fidel Castro´s life at the University of Panama.
In March, 2005, Posada Carriles entered the United States illegally. Only after reiterated public denunciations that revealed the presence of this criminal in U.S. terriitory, the goverment of George W. Bush proceeded to detain and charge him for immigration crimes and false witness, without the slightest reference to terrorism.
Through their handling of Posada Carriles, the U.S. authorities, pressured by groups of Cuban extremists in South Florida, have made evident the double morality of their war against terrorism in the name of which they torture, kidnap and bomb. At the same time, as has been denounced by numerous international forums and United Nations´agencies, five Cuban antiterrorist activists remain unjustly imprisoned in the United States, subjected together with their families to cruel and discriminatory treatment.
All honest people of the world who raise their voices against war and terrorism, have before them irrefutable proof of the lack of ethics upon which the current administration in Washington bases its actions. We, the undersigned, demand that the government of the United States, in compliance with international obligations, charge Luis Posada Carriles for all of his crimes or attend the request for his extradition to Venezuela, which until now has received absolutely no response.
To sign the campaign:
1. Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, Argentina
2. Noam Chomsky, EE.UU.
3. Oscar Niemeyer, Brasil
4. Alfonso Sastre, España
5. Eduardo Galeano, Uruguay
6. Istvan Meszaros, Hungría
7. Alice Walker, EE.UU.
8. Gianni Miná, Italia
9. Blanca Chancosa, Ecuador
10. Cindy Sheehan, EE.UU.
11. Boaventura de Sousa, Portugal
12. Frei Betto, Brasil
13. Ariel Dorfman, Chile-EE.UU.
14. Tristán Bauer, Argentina
15. Howard Zinn, EE.UU.
16. Armand Mattelart, Bélgica
17. Gioconda Belli, Nicaragua
18. Russell Banks, EE.UU.
19. Nora Cortiñas, Argentina
20. Joao Pedro Stedile, Brasil
21. Medea Benjamín, EE.UU.
22. Roy Brown, Puerto Rico
23. Belén Gopegui, España
24. Hildebrando Pérez Grande, Perú
25. Jane Franklin, EE.UU.
26. Daniel Viglietti, Uruguay
27. Emir Sader, Brasil
28. Miguel Bonasso, Argentina
29. Piero Gleijeises, Italia-EE.UU.
30. Jorge Enrique Adoum, Ecuador
31. Michel Collon, Bélgica
32. James Petras, EE.UU.
33. Stella Calloni, Argentina
34. Eric Toussaint, Bélgica
35. Atilio Borón, Argentina
36. Pascual Serrano, España
37. Manuel Cabieses, Chile
38. Keith Ellis, Canadá
39. Michael Parenti, EE.UU.
40. Arturo Corcuera, Perú
41. Beverly Keene, EE.UU.-Argentina
42. Carlos Fazio, México
43. Ramón Chao, España-Francia
44. James Early, EE.UU.
45. Franz Hinkelammert, Alemania-Costa Rica
46. Noé Jitrik, Argentina
47. Víctor Víctor, República Dominicana
48. Fernando Buen Abad, México
49. Saul Landau, EE.UU.
50. Salim Lamrani, Francia
51. José Steinsleger, Argentina-México
52. Roberto Montoya, Argentina
53. Fernando Morais, Brasil
54. Montserrat Ponsa, España
55. Héctor Díaz-Polanco, México
56. Setsuko Ono, EE.UU.
57. Antonio Maira, España
58. Marilia Guimaraes, Brasil
59. Ana Delicado Palacios, España
60. Tununa Mercado, Argentina
61. Winston Orrillo, Perú
62. John Gerassi, EE.UU.
63. Santiago Alba Rico, España
64. Gilberto López y Rivas, México
65. Rafael Cancel Miranda, Puerto Rico
66. James Cockcroft, EE.UU.
67. Eva Forest, España
68. Juan Mari Bras, Puerto Rico
69. Michèle Mattelart, Francia
70. Donatella Meszaros, Italia
71. Víctor Flores Olea, México
72. Maribel Permuy, España
73. Hernando Calvo Ospina, Colombia
74. Rosina Valcárcel, Perú
75. Pablo Guayasamín, Ecuador
76. Isaura Navarro, España
77. Pilar Roca, Perú
78. Carlos Gabetta, Argentina
79. Etna Velarde, Perú
80. Ernesto Carmona, Chile
81. Néstor Kohan, Argentina
82. Vicente Romano, España
83. Vicente Battista, Argentina
84. Carlos "Chino" Domínguez, Perú
85. Nazanín Amirian, Irán
86. Higinio Polo, España
87. Beinusz Szmukler, Argentina
88. Pablo Romo, México
89. Aton Fon Filho, Brasil
90. Manuel Talens, España
91. Alcira Argumedo, Argentina
92. David Acera, España
93. Arnoldo Mora, Costa Rica
94. Juan Cristóbal, Perú
95. Julio César Monge, El Salvador
96. Harald Neuber, Alemania
97. Alfredo Vera, Ecuador
98. Fernando Rendón, Colombia
99. Leslee Lee, Perú
100. Ángel Guerra, Cuba
101. Alessandra Riccio, Italia
102. Atilio Bonilla, Perú
103. Gennaro Carotenuto, Italia
104. Javier Couso, España
105. Reynaldo Naranjo, Perú
106. Carlos Varea, España
107. Gustavo Espinoza, Perú
108. John Pateman, Reino Unido
109. Héctor Arenas, Colombia
110. Federico García, Perú
111. Eva Björklund, Suecia
112. Jordan Flaherty, EE.UU.
113. Bruno Portugal, Perú
114. Raúl Zurita, Chile
115. Gloria La Riva, EE.UU.
116. Francisco Cañizales, Venezuela
117. Marta Harnecker, Chile
118. Peter Bohmer, EE.UU.
119. Ann Sparanese, EE.UU.
120. Francisco (Pancho) Villa, Chile
121. Yhonny García, Venezuela
122. Wim Dierckxens, Holanda-Costa Rica
123. Naomi Klein, Canadá
124. Juan Gelman, Argentina
125. Lucius Walker, EE.UU.
126. Patricia Ariza, Colombia
127. Raúl Vallejo, Ecuador
128. Georges E. Maouvois, Martinica
129. Isidora Aguirre, Chile
130. Xiomara García, Venezuela
131. Luisa Valenzuela, Argentina
132. Rene Burri, Suiza
133. Gianni Vattimo, Italia
134. Juan Madrid, España
135. Sara Rosenberg, Argentina
136. Pepe Viñoles, Suecia
137. Federico Álvarez, México
138. Mario Benedetti, Uruguay
139. Manu Chao, Francia-España
140. Danny Glover, EE.UU.
141. Jorge Sanjinés, Bolivia
142. Fernando Butazzoni, Uruguay
143. Danielle Bleitrach, Francia
144. Volodia Teitelboim, Chile
145. Carlos Fernández Liria, España
146. Luis Britto, Venezuela
147. Francois Houtart, Bélgica
148. Jacek Wozniak, Polonia
149. Antoine Chao, Francia
150. Jaime Chao, Francia
151. Miguel Urbano, Portugal
152. Adolfo Sánchez Vázquez, España-México
153. Hebe de Bonafini, Argentina
posted by F Espinoza