Fight for Justice...

posted by F Espinoza | 16.04.2007 10:30 | Repression | Social Struggles | Terror War

While in the name of the fight against terrorism, hundreds of thousands of people have died in Iraq and Afghanistan, and others - arbitrarily detained - are tortured in Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo, the United States government protects the most notorious terrorist...

Fight for Justice!

FIGHT FOR JUSTICE

LUIS POSADA CARRILES MUST BE TRIED FOR HIS CRIMES

While in the name of the fight against terrorism, hundreds of thousands of people have died in Iraq and Afghanistan, and others - arbitrarily detained - are tortured in Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo, the United States government protects the most notorious terrorist in this hemisphere, attempting to deceive public opinion through interminable pseudolegal manuevers and refusing to try him for his real crimes.

Luis Posada Carriles was accused and brought to trial in Venezuela for the 1976 attack against a commercial aircraft in which 73 persons died. After escaping from Venezuelan prisons in 1982 - leaving his trial unconcluded - he served the CIA as part of what was known as the "Irancontras" operation and also in the implementation of the genocidal Plan Condor. In 1997 he prepared a series of terrorist acts against hotels in Havana - in one of which the young Italian tourist, Fabio Di Celmo, lost his life -, and in the year 2000, the projected attempt against President Fidel Castro´s life at the University of Panama.

In March, 2005, Posada Carriles entered the United States illegally. Only after reiterated public denunciations that revealed the presence of this criminal in U.S. terriitory, the goverment of George W. Bush proceeded to detain and charge him for immigration crimes and false witness, without the slightest reference to terrorism.

Through their handling of Posada Carriles, the U.S. authorities, pressured by groups of Cuban extremists in South Florida, have made evident the double morality of their war against terrorism in the name of which they torture, kidnap and bomb. At the same time, as has been denounced by numerous international forums and United Nations´agencies, five Cuban antiterrorist activists remain unjustly imprisoned in the United States, subjected together with their families to cruel and discriminatory treatment.

All honest people of the world who raise their voices against war and terrorism, have before them irrefutable proof of the lack of ethics upon which the current administration in Washington bases its actions. We, the undersigned, demand that the government of the United States, in compliance with international obligations, charge Luis Posada Carriles for all of his crimes or attend the request for his extradition to Venezuela, which until now has received absolutely no response.

To sign the campaign:

edhcuba@cubarte.cult.cu

http://www.porlajusticia.cu

http://www.porlajusticia.net

http://www.porlajusticia.org

http://www.porlajusticia.info

http://www.porlajusticia.com

http://www.granma.cubaweb.cu/secciones/ultraje/art245.html

1. Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, Argentina
2. Noam Chomsky, EE.UU.
3. Oscar Niemeyer, Brasil
4. Alfonso Sastre, España
5. Eduardo Galeano, Uruguay
6. Istvan Meszaros, Hungría
7. Alice Walker, EE.UU.
8. Gianni Miná, Italia
9. Blanca Chancosa, Ecuador
10. Cindy Sheehan, EE.UU.
11. Boaventura de Sousa, Portugal
12. Frei Betto, Brasil
13. Ariel Dorfman, Chile-EE.UU.
14. Tristán Bauer, Argentina
15. Howard Zinn, EE.UU.
16. Armand Mattelart, Bélgica
17. Gioconda Belli, Nicaragua
18. Russell Banks, EE.UU.
19. Nora Cortiñas, Argentina
20. Joao Pedro Stedile, Brasil
21. Medea Benjamín, EE.UU.
22. Roy Brown, Puerto Rico
23. Belén Gopegui, España
24. Hildebrando Pérez Grande, Perú
25. Jane Franklin, EE.UU.
26. Daniel Viglietti, Uruguay
27. Emir Sader, Brasil
28. Miguel Bonasso, Argentina
29. Piero Gleijeises, Italia-EE.UU.
30. Jorge Enrique Adoum, Ecuador
31. Michel Collon, Bélgica
32. James Petras, EE.UU.
33. Stella Calloni, Argentina
34. Eric Toussaint, Bélgica
35. Atilio Borón, Argentina
36. Pascual Serrano, España
37. Manuel Cabieses, Chile
38. Keith Ellis, Canadá
39. Michael Parenti, EE.UU.
40. Arturo Corcuera, Perú
41. Beverly Keene, EE.UU.-Argentina
42. Carlos Fazio, México
43. Ramón Chao, España-Francia
44. James Early, EE.UU.
45. Franz Hinkelammert, Alemania-Costa Rica
46. Noé Jitrik, Argentina
47. Víctor Víctor, República Dominicana
48. Fernando Buen Abad, México
49. Saul Landau, EE.UU.
50. Salim Lamrani, Francia
51. José Steinsleger, Argentina-México
52. Roberto Montoya, Argentina
53. Fernando Morais, Brasil
54. Montserrat Ponsa, España
55. Héctor Díaz-Polanco, México
56. Setsuko Ono, EE.UU.
57. Antonio Maira, España
58. Marilia Guimaraes, Brasil
59. Ana Delicado Palacios, España
60. Tununa Mercado, Argentina
61. Winston Orrillo, Perú
62. John Gerassi, EE.UU.
63. Santiago Alba Rico, España
64. Gilberto López y Rivas, México
65. Rafael Cancel Miranda, Puerto Rico
66. James Cockcroft, EE.UU.
67. Eva Forest, España
68. Juan Mari Bras, Puerto Rico
69. Michèle Mattelart, Francia
70. Donatella Meszaros, Italia
71. Víctor Flores Olea, México
72. Maribel Permuy, España
73. Hernando Calvo Ospina, Colombia
74. Rosina Valcárcel, Perú
75. Pablo Guayasamín, Ecuador
76. Isaura Navarro, España
77. Pilar Roca, Perú
78. Carlos Gabetta, Argentina
79. Etna Velarde, Perú
80. Ernesto Carmona, Chile
81. Néstor Kohan, Argentina
82. Vicente Romano, España
83. Vicente Battista, Argentina
84. Carlos "Chino" Domínguez, Perú
85. Nazanín Amirian, Irán
86. Higinio Polo, España
87. Beinusz Szmukler, Argentina
88. Pablo Romo, México
89. Aton Fon Filho, Brasil
90. Manuel Talens, España
91. Alcira Argumedo, Argentina
92. David Acera, España
93. Arnoldo Mora, Costa Rica
94. Juan Cristóbal, Perú
95. Julio César Monge, El Salvador
96. Harald Neuber, Alemania
97. Alfredo Vera, Ecuador
98. Fernando Rendón, Colombia
99. Leslee Lee, Perú
100. Ángel Guerra, Cuba
101. Alessandra Riccio, Italia
102. Atilio Bonilla, Perú
103. Gennaro Carotenuto, Italia
104. Javier Couso, España
105. Reynaldo Naranjo, Perú
106. Carlos Varea, España
107. Gustavo Espinoza, Perú
108. John Pateman, Reino Unido
109. Héctor Arenas, Colombia
110. Federico García, Perú
111. Eva Björklund, Suecia
112. Jordan Flaherty, EE.UU.
113. Bruno Portugal, Perú
114. Raúl Zurita, Chile
115. Gloria La Riva, EE.UU.
116. Francisco Cañizales, Venezuela
117. Marta Harnecker, Chile
118. Peter Bohmer, EE.UU.
119. Ann Sparanese, EE.UU.
120. Francisco (Pancho) Villa, Chile
121. Yhonny García, Venezuela
122. Wim Dierckxens, Holanda-Costa Rica
123. Naomi Klein, Canadá
124. Juan Gelman, Argentina
125. Lucius Walker, EE.UU.
126. Patricia Ariza, Colombia
127. Raúl Vallejo, Ecuador
128. Georges E. Maouvois, Martinica
129. Isidora Aguirre, Chile
130. Xiomara García, Venezuela
131. Luisa Valenzuela, Argentina
132. Rene Burri, Suiza
133. Gianni Vattimo, Italia
134. Juan Madrid, España
135. Sara Rosenberg, Argentina
136. Pepe Viñoles, Suecia
137. Federico Álvarez, México
138. Mario Benedetti, Uruguay
139. Manu Chao, Francia-España
140. Danny Glover, EE.UU.
141. Jorge Sanjinés, Bolivia
142. Fernando Butazzoni, Uruguay
143. Danielle Bleitrach, Francia
144. Volodia Teitelboim, Chile
145. Carlos Fernández Liria, España
146. Luis Britto, Venezuela
147. Francois Houtart, Bélgica
148. Jacek Wozniak, Polonia
149. Antoine Chao, Francia
150. Jaime Chao, Francia
151. Miguel Urbano, Portugal
152. Adolfo Sánchez Vázquez, España-México
153. Hebe de Bonafini, Argentina

posted by F Espinoza

Comments

Hide the following 2 comments

The facts imputable to the United States

16.04.2007 15:38

The IJC, one of the two highest courts in the world, made it's first declaration ever against the US war on Nicaragua. It ordered reparations which were never made.

Between states, or within a state, law is always just justification for the powerful controlling the powerless. Good luck with your petition, it may work as an education process.

VII. The facts imputable to the United States

(paras. 75 to 125)1. The Court examines the allegations of Nicaragua that the mining of Nicaraguan ports or waters was carried out by United States military personnel or persons of the nationality of Latin American countries in the pay of the United States. After examining the facts, the Court finds it established that, on a date in late 1983 or early 1984, the President of the United States authorized a United States Government agency to lay mines in Nicaraguan ports, that in early 1984 mines were laid in or close to the ports of El Bluff, Corinto and Puerto Sandino, either in Nicaraguan internal waters or in its territorial sea or both, by persons in the pay and acting on the instructions of that agency, under the supervision and with the logistic support of United States agents; that neither before the laying of the mines, nor subsequently, did the United States Government issue any public and official warning to international shipping of the existence and location of the mines; and that personal and material injury was caused by the explosion of the mines, which also created risks causing a rise in marine insurance rates.2. Nicaragua attributes to the direct action of United States personnel, or persons in its pay, operations against oil installations, a naval base, etc., listed in paragraph 81 of the Judgment. The Court finds all these incidents, except three, to be established. Although it is not proved that any United States military personnel took a direct part in the operations, United States agents participated in the planning, direction and support. The imputability to the United States of these attacks appears therefore to the Court to be established.3. Nicaragua complains of infringement of its air space by United States military aircraft. After indicating the evidence available, the Court finds that the only violations of Nicaraguan air space imputable to the United States on the basis of the evidence are high altitude reconnaissance flights and low altitude flights on 7 to 11 November 1984 causing "sonic booms".With regard to joint military manoeuvres with Honduras carried out by the United States on Honduran territory near the Honduras/Nicaragua frontier, the Court considers that they may be treated as public knowledge and thus sufficiently established.4. The Court then examines the genesis, development and activities of the contra force, and the role of the United States in relation to it. According to Nicaragua, the United States "conceived, created and organized a mercenary army, the contra force". On the basis of the available information, the Court is not able to satisfy itself that the Respondent State "created" the contra force in Nicaragua, but holds it established that it largely financed, trained, equipped, armed and organized the FDN, one element of the force.It is claimed by Nicaragua that the United States Government devised the strategy and directed the tactics of the contra force, and provided direct combat support for its military operations. In the light of the evidence and material available to it, the Court is not satisfied that all the operations launched by the contra force, at every stage of the conflict, reflected strategy and tactics solely devised by the United States. It therefore cannot uphold the contention of Nicaragua on this point. The Court however finds it clear that a number of operations were decided and planned, if not actually by the United States advisers, then at least in close collaboration with them, and on the basis of the intelligence and logistic support which the United States was able to offer. It is also established in the Court's view that the support of the United States for the activities of the contras took various forms over the years, such as logistic support the supply of information on the location and movements of the Sandinista troops, the use of sophisticated methods of communication, etc. The evidence does not however warrant a finding that the United States gave direct combat support, if that is taken to mean direct intervention by United States combat forces.The Court has to determine whether the relationship of the contras to the United States Government was such that it would be right to equate the contras, for legal purposes, with an organ of the United States Government, or as acting on behalf of that Government. The Court considers that the evidence available to it is insufficient to demonstrate the total dependence of the contras on United States aid. A partial dependency, the exact extent of which the Court cannot establish, may be inferred from the fact that the leaders were selected by the United States, and from other factors such as the organisation, training and equipping of the force, planning of operations, the choosing of targets and the operational support provided. There is no clear evidence that the United States actually exercised such a degree of control as to justify treating the contras as acting on its behalf.5. Having reached the above conclusion, the Court takes the view that the contras remain responsible for their acts, in particular the alleged violations by them of humanitarian law. For the United States to be legally responsible, it would have to be proved that that State had effective control of the operations in the course of which the alleged violations were committed.6. Nicaragua has complained of certain measures of an economic nature taken against it by the Government of the United States, which it regards as an indirect form of intervention in its internal affairs. Economic aid was suspended in January 1981, and terminated in April 1981; the United States acted to oppose or block loans to Nicaragua by international financial bodies; the sugar import quota from Nicaragua was reduced by 90 percent in September 1983; and a total trade embargo on Nicaragua was declared by an executive order of the President of the United States on 1 May 1985.

Danny

Other websites related...

16.04.2007 16:43

Against Terrorism!

UK Indymedia

Fight for Justice...

Comments

The facts imputable to the United States

Other websites related...