Why Tony Blair may support an invasion of Iraq
Savitri Hensman | 15.11.2002 04:10
Why has Tony Blair not distanced himself from George W Bush on Iraq? This is a question that is being asked not only in Britain but also in other parts of the world. Few believe that Saddam Hussein, vicious though he is, poses any great threat beyond his region. But the risks of undermining the legal and ethical framework holding countries back from attacking their rivals and killing large numbers of civilians, and undermining the United Nations as a force for peace, are immense.
There is less surprise about the actions of the US government. From the president down, the administration has extremely close personal ties with the oil and arms industries, both of which could profit hugely from an invasion. Several top politicians have made it clear that they want to assert US dominance, or that they regard an attack on Iraq as a long-awaited step towards vanquishing all who may get in the way of Israeli hardliners' plans for the Middle East. Elections are coming up, and war may distract some voters from the state of the economy, as well as pleasing some on the Christian right. All these factors could distort the judgement of those in charge. [1]
In Britain, on the contrary, a war could cause an economic downturn and damage the government's popularity. Divisions in towns and cities could be inflamed, wreaking havoc with programmes for urban renewal. Much international goodwill within and outside Europe could be lost, especially if Gulf states or other Asian or African countries are destabilised. There is even a chance of war crimes charges, especially if there are high civilian casualties. Why take the risk? Presumably the aim cannot simply be concern for Iraq's people or dislike of weapons of mass destruction, or the allies would not be considering use of such weapons themselves.
Tony Blair is widely believed to be holding George W Bush back from going it alone - but simply persuading other countries to follow the US lead is not, in itself, a great contribution to world peace. And if, despite the pressure that has been exerted, the United Nations refuses to turn the inspection process into a pretext for invasion, what will happen? As the front-seat passenger in a car driven by George W Bush, will Tony Blair slam on the emergency brake?
I hope so, but I fear not. For the choice he must now make involves several issues on which he has shown worryingly poor judgement over the years.
His admiration for US politicians and business leaders, apparently unaffected by recent scandals and the extraordinary views that some espouse, has not only baffled people in Britain but also damaged its standing in Europe and beyond. [2] Having a prime minister who is seen as a PR man for the president is not the best way to win trust and respect overseas. However, Tony Blair’s apparent willingness to go to war may not stem just from loyalty to the US government.
He, too, is notorious for mistaking the interests of major oil and arms firms for those of the nation as a whole. Revelations about Labour links with the disgraced Enron have done little for the party’s image. But the closest connection with an oil company is with BP, nicknamed Blair Petroleum. When the Labour Party came to power, former BP chairman David Simon was made Minister for European Trade and Competitiveness, and he is still an advisor to the government. Numerous executives have served on government taskforces or been seconded to the Foreign Office or Department of Trade and Industry. Ministers have attended BP seminars, and senior figures at Downing Street such as Anji Hunter now work for BP [3]. Chief executive John Browne – made a Lord by Tony Blair – has now staked his company’s claim to a share in Iraq’s oil wealth, arguing that it is not just US companies which should profit [4]. (At least there is a refreshing honesty in Europe and the USA today that the Iraqi people will have no real control over what happens to their country’s resources after Saddam Hussein is overthrown.) The construction industry, too, may profit from rebuilding a devastated Iraq.
Arms manufacturers and dealers will also do well out of a war, especially if this continues on for years or sets off conflicts in other countries. Tony Blair’s commitment to this industry has also cast doubt on his judgment. Taxpayers pay huge sums annually on expensive equipment (sometimes faulty) [5]. What has been described as Britain’s addiction to arms [6] has undermined some of what is best in the nation, and claims for an ethical foreign policy now ring hollow. When he visited South Asia on the brink of a possible nuclear war, he was trying to sell Hawk fighter jets to one of the combatants while advocating peace to both [7]. It is not even the case that the arms trade leads to an overall increase in jobs [8].
His relationship with Israeli nationalists, if anything, raises even more questions about his ability to make wise choices. The Israeli Foreign Office’s deputy director for public affairs, Gideon Meir, has played an important part in fending off international pressure on his government to negotiate and reach a fair deal with – rather than simply trying to subdue – the Palestinians. Years ago, he played a key part in distancing Labour from its traditional concern for the rights of Palestinian rights [9].
In 1994, though Israel could not be counted as a hostile power, its interests were clearly very different from those of Britain. The actions of its militarists had led it into attacks on its neighbours, suppression of human rights within in its borders and the occupied territories, and development of nuclear weapons; it had breached numerous United Nations resolutions. It might have seemed sensible for an up-and-coming British politician to avoid any suspicion of dependence on a foreign government, let alone one that was so controversial. Yet it was Gideon Meir, at that time the second-in-command at the Israeli Embassy in London, who at a dinner party he gave introduced Tony Blair to the man who was to become the Labour Party’s leading fundraiser, Michael Levy [10]. The prime minister’s close friendship with and reliance on Lord Levy, as he now is, was a source of some embarrassment when it was revealed that the multi-millionaire had paid minimal taxes for two years. But the international policy implications are even more serious.
Lord Levy has a home in Tel Aviv and close links with the Israeli Labour Party. One of his sons has worked for the Israeli government. He does not share the stance of the most extreme in Israeli society. But he is also a long way from those at the cutting edge of the peace movement. He is an honorary president of the United Jewish Israel appeal, one aim of which is to encourage and assist Jewish people in need throughout the world to migrate to Israel [11] - a particularly sensitive issue because some migrants become illegal settlers. As the prime minister’s special envoy to the Middle East, he has helped to make sure that Britain continues to support Israeli militarism, despite occasionally expressing concern for Palestinian rights. In 2001, arms exports to Israel almost doubled, though controls have been tightened and some export licenses refused because of events in the West Bank and Gaza [12].
So close are the bonds developed under Tony Blair that, even if the British government claims to be opposed to an action by Israeli forces, this may not be believed abroad. So if, say, an Arab country or Iran is attacked or Palestinians are expelled from the occupied territories, some of the anger this provokes may be targeted at Britain.
Tony Blair’s faithfulness to the US and Israeli authorities, oil and arms firms has repeatedly skewed his judgement. Because war on Iraq may seem to offer them rich gains, he may overlook the risk of serious damage to wider British interests, including spending on public services, how civilised and humane a society this is and how it is thought of and what it offers to the rest of world.
He has helped to persuade George W Bush not to attack without at least trying to create a façade of legality and persuade more countries to pay some of the bill. But the pro-war lobby in the USA is extremely powerful, and may well get their way, especially if they can count on British support. Even if Iraq is occupied quickly, controlling it and the rest of the Middle East will involve a long, costly and bitter struggle.
The deaths of British soldiers, civilian suffering and intensified religious conflict may bring an end to Tony Blair’s career. Like other ex-prime ministers, he may move on to other things – but Britain will have to live with the legacy.
References
[1] Savitri Hensman, What motivates the drive towards war?, 2002 http://www.kioni.u-net.com/stopwarfiles/midewar.html
[2] Hugo Young, Mr Blair must climb out of President Bush’s pocket, Guardian, 21 March 2002 http://politics.guardian.co.uk/Print/0.3858,4378523,00.html
[3] Joe Murphy, Fresh questions over Blair’s BP links, Evening Standard, 19 July 2002 http://www.thisismoney.com/20020719/nm50978.html
[4] Terry Macalister, BP chief fears US will carve up Iraqi oil riches, Guardian, 30 October 2002 http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk_news/story/0,3604,822224,00.html
[5] Nick Cohen, Our sky-high arms fiasco, Observer, 22 September 2002
[6] Addicted to arms: a Will Self investigation, BBC News, 28 April 2002 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/correspondent/1939250.stm
[7] John Kampfner, Blair’s blind spot on the arms trade, Guardian, 30 January 2002 http://www.guardian.co.uk/Print/0,3858,4345783,00.html
[8] Samuel Brittan, The mercantilist fallacy that traps Tony Blair, Financial Times, 28 February 2002 http://www.samuelbrittan.co.uk/text108_p.html
[9] Inigo Gilmore, Daughter of Rabin heads PR offensive, Telegraph Group http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2001/08/19/wmid219.xml
[10] Douglas Davis, More revelations about Lord Levy’s finances, Jerusalem Post, 3 July 2000
[11] http://www.ujia.org
[12] Ewen MacAskill and Richard Norton-Taylor, Britain tightens arms exports to Israel, Guardian, 23 August 2002
In Britain, on the contrary, a war could cause an economic downturn and damage the government's popularity. Divisions in towns and cities could be inflamed, wreaking havoc with programmes for urban renewal. Much international goodwill within and outside Europe could be lost, especially if Gulf states or other Asian or African countries are destabilised. There is even a chance of war crimes charges, especially if there are high civilian casualties. Why take the risk? Presumably the aim cannot simply be concern for Iraq's people or dislike of weapons of mass destruction, or the allies would not be considering use of such weapons themselves.
Tony Blair is widely believed to be holding George W Bush back from going it alone - but simply persuading other countries to follow the US lead is not, in itself, a great contribution to world peace. And if, despite the pressure that has been exerted, the United Nations refuses to turn the inspection process into a pretext for invasion, what will happen? As the front-seat passenger in a car driven by George W Bush, will Tony Blair slam on the emergency brake?
I hope so, but I fear not. For the choice he must now make involves several issues on which he has shown worryingly poor judgement over the years.
His admiration for US politicians and business leaders, apparently unaffected by recent scandals and the extraordinary views that some espouse, has not only baffled people in Britain but also damaged its standing in Europe and beyond. [2] Having a prime minister who is seen as a PR man for the president is not the best way to win trust and respect overseas. However, Tony Blair’s apparent willingness to go to war may not stem just from loyalty to the US government.
He, too, is notorious for mistaking the interests of major oil and arms firms for those of the nation as a whole. Revelations about Labour links with the disgraced Enron have done little for the party’s image. But the closest connection with an oil company is with BP, nicknamed Blair Petroleum. When the Labour Party came to power, former BP chairman David Simon was made Minister for European Trade and Competitiveness, and he is still an advisor to the government. Numerous executives have served on government taskforces or been seconded to the Foreign Office or Department of Trade and Industry. Ministers have attended BP seminars, and senior figures at Downing Street such as Anji Hunter now work for BP [3]. Chief executive John Browne – made a Lord by Tony Blair – has now staked his company’s claim to a share in Iraq’s oil wealth, arguing that it is not just US companies which should profit [4]. (At least there is a refreshing honesty in Europe and the USA today that the Iraqi people will have no real control over what happens to their country’s resources after Saddam Hussein is overthrown.) The construction industry, too, may profit from rebuilding a devastated Iraq.
Arms manufacturers and dealers will also do well out of a war, especially if this continues on for years or sets off conflicts in other countries. Tony Blair’s commitment to this industry has also cast doubt on his judgment. Taxpayers pay huge sums annually on expensive equipment (sometimes faulty) [5]. What has been described as Britain’s addiction to arms [6] has undermined some of what is best in the nation, and claims for an ethical foreign policy now ring hollow. When he visited South Asia on the brink of a possible nuclear war, he was trying to sell Hawk fighter jets to one of the combatants while advocating peace to both [7]. It is not even the case that the arms trade leads to an overall increase in jobs [8].
His relationship with Israeli nationalists, if anything, raises even more questions about his ability to make wise choices. The Israeli Foreign Office’s deputy director for public affairs, Gideon Meir, has played an important part in fending off international pressure on his government to negotiate and reach a fair deal with – rather than simply trying to subdue – the Palestinians. Years ago, he played a key part in distancing Labour from its traditional concern for the rights of Palestinian rights [9].
In 1994, though Israel could not be counted as a hostile power, its interests were clearly very different from those of Britain. The actions of its militarists had led it into attacks on its neighbours, suppression of human rights within in its borders and the occupied territories, and development of nuclear weapons; it had breached numerous United Nations resolutions. It might have seemed sensible for an up-and-coming British politician to avoid any suspicion of dependence on a foreign government, let alone one that was so controversial. Yet it was Gideon Meir, at that time the second-in-command at the Israeli Embassy in London, who at a dinner party he gave introduced Tony Blair to the man who was to become the Labour Party’s leading fundraiser, Michael Levy [10]. The prime minister’s close friendship with and reliance on Lord Levy, as he now is, was a source of some embarrassment when it was revealed that the multi-millionaire had paid minimal taxes for two years. But the international policy implications are even more serious.
Lord Levy has a home in Tel Aviv and close links with the Israeli Labour Party. One of his sons has worked for the Israeli government. He does not share the stance of the most extreme in Israeli society. But he is also a long way from those at the cutting edge of the peace movement. He is an honorary president of the United Jewish Israel appeal, one aim of which is to encourage and assist Jewish people in need throughout the world to migrate to Israel [11] - a particularly sensitive issue because some migrants become illegal settlers. As the prime minister’s special envoy to the Middle East, he has helped to make sure that Britain continues to support Israeli militarism, despite occasionally expressing concern for Palestinian rights. In 2001, arms exports to Israel almost doubled, though controls have been tightened and some export licenses refused because of events in the West Bank and Gaza [12].
So close are the bonds developed under Tony Blair that, even if the British government claims to be opposed to an action by Israeli forces, this may not be believed abroad. So if, say, an Arab country or Iran is attacked or Palestinians are expelled from the occupied territories, some of the anger this provokes may be targeted at Britain.
Tony Blair’s faithfulness to the US and Israeli authorities, oil and arms firms has repeatedly skewed his judgement. Because war on Iraq may seem to offer them rich gains, he may overlook the risk of serious damage to wider British interests, including spending on public services, how civilised and humane a society this is and how it is thought of and what it offers to the rest of world.
He has helped to persuade George W Bush not to attack without at least trying to create a façade of legality and persuade more countries to pay some of the bill. But the pro-war lobby in the USA is extremely powerful, and may well get their way, especially if they can count on British support. Even if Iraq is occupied quickly, controlling it and the rest of the Middle East will involve a long, costly and bitter struggle.
The deaths of British soldiers, civilian suffering and intensified religious conflict may bring an end to Tony Blair’s career. Like other ex-prime ministers, he may move on to other things – but Britain will have to live with the legacy.
References
[1] Savitri Hensman, What motivates the drive towards war?, 2002 http://www.kioni.u-net.com/stopwarfiles/midewar.html
[2] Hugo Young, Mr Blair must climb out of President Bush’s pocket, Guardian, 21 March 2002 http://politics.guardian.co.uk/Print/0.3858,4378523,00.html
[3] Joe Murphy, Fresh questions over Blair’s BP links, Evening Standard, 19 July 2002 http://www.thisismoney.com/20020719/nm50978.html
[4] Terry Macalister, BP chief fears US will carve up Iraqi oil riches, Guardian, 30 October 2002 http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk_news/story/0,3604,822224,00.html
[5] Nick Cohen, Our sky-high arms fiasco, Observer, 22 September 2002
[6] Addicted to arms: a Will Self investigation, BBC News, 28 April 2002 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/correspondent/1939250.stm
[7] John Kampfner, Blair’s blind spot on the arms trade, Guardian, 30 January 2002 http://www.guardian.co.uk/Print/0,3858,4345783,00.html
[8] Samuel Brittan, The mercantilist fallacy that traps Tony Blair, Financial Times, 28 February 2002 http://www.samuelbrittan.co.uk/text108_p.html
[9] Inigo Gilmore, Daughter of Rabin heads PR offensive, Telegraph Group http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2001/08/19/wmid219.xml
[10] Douglas Davis, More revelations about Lord Levy’s finances, Jerusalem Post, 3 July 2000
[11] http://www.ujia.org
[12] Ewen MacAskill and Richard Norton-Taylor, Britain tightens arms exports to Israel, Guardian, 23 August 2002
Savitri Hensman
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NO, this is why
15.11.2002 07:41
A DECADE OF DECEPTION
AND DEFIANCE
SADDAM HUSSEIN’S DEFIANCE OF THE UNITED NATIONS
SEPTEMBER 12, 2002
2
PREFACE
A Decade of Deception and Defiance serves as a background paper for President George W. Bush's
September 12th speech to the United Nations General Assembly. This document provides specific
examples of how Iraqi President Saddam Hussein has systematically and continually violated 16 United
Nations Security Council resolutions over the past decade. This document is not designed to catalogue all
of the violations of UN resolutions or other abuses of Saddam Hussein’s regime over the years.
For more than a decade, Saddam Hussein has deceived and defied the will and resolutions of the United
Nations Security Council by, among other things: continuing to seek and develop chemical, biological, and
nuclear weapons, and prohibited long-range missiles; brutalizing the Iraqi people, including committing
gross human rights violations and crimes against humanity; supporting international terrorism; refusing to
release or account for prisoners of war and other missing individuals from the Gulf War era; refusing to
return stolen Kuwaiti property; and working to circumvent the UN’s economic sanctions.
The Administration will periodically provide information on these and other aspects of the threat posed to
the international community by Saddam Hussein.
3
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Saddam Hussein’s Defiance of United Nations Resolutions 4
Saddam Hussein’s Development of Weapons of Mass Destruction 8
Saddam Hussein’s Repression of the Iraqi People 11
Saddam Hussein’s Support for International Terrorism 18
Saddam Hussein’s Refusal to Account for Gulf War Prisoners 19
Saddam Hussein’s Refusal to Return Stolen Property 20
Saddam Hussein’s Efforts to Circumvent Economic Sanctions 21
4
SADDAM HUSSEIN’S DEFIANCE OF UNITED NATIONS RESOLUTIONS
Saddam Hussein has repeatedly violated sixteen United Nations Security Council Resolutions (UNSCRs)
designed to ensure that Iraq does not pose a threat to international peace and security. In addition to these
repeated violations, he has tried, over the past decade, to circumvent UN economic sanctions against Iraq,
which are reflected in a number of other resolutions. As noted in the resolutions, Saddam Hussein was
required to fulfill many obligations beyond the withdrawal of Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Specifically, Saddam
Hussein was required to, among other things: allow international weapons inspectors to oversee the
destruction of his weapons of mass destruction; not develop new weapons of mass destruction; destroy all
of his ballistic missiles with a range greater than 150 kilometers; stop support for terrorism and prevent
terrorist organizations from operating within Iraq; help account for missing Kuwaitis and other individuals;
return stolen Kuwaiti property and bear financial liability for damage from the Gulf War; and he was
required to end his repression of the Iraqi people. Saddam Hussein has repeatedly violated each of the
following resolutions:
UNSCR 678 – NOVEMBER 29, 1990
§ Iraq must comply fully with UNSCR 660 (regarding Iraq’s illegal invasion of Kuwait) “and all subsequent
relevant resolutions.”
§ Authorizes UN Member States “to use all necessary means to uphold and implement resolution 660
and all subsequent relevant resolutions and to restore international peace and security in the area.”
UNSCR 686 – MARCH 2, 1991
§ Iraq must release prisoners detained during the Gulf War.
§ Iraq must return Kuwaiti property seized during the Gulf War.
§ Iraq must accept liability under international law for damages from its illegal invasion of Kuwait.
UNSCR 687 – APRIL 3, 1991
§ Iraq must “unconditionally accept” the destruction, removal or rendering harmless “under international
supervision” of all “chemical and biological weapons and all stocks of agents and all related
subsystems and components and all research, development, support and manufacturing facilities.”
§ Iraq must “unconditionally agree not to acquire or develop nuclear weapons or nuclear-weapons-usable
material” or any research, development or manufacturing facilities.
§ Iraq must “unconditionally accept” the destruction, removal or rendering harmless “under international
supervision” of all “ballistic missiles with a range greater than 150 KM and related major parts and
repair and production facilities.”
§ Iraq must not “use, develop, construct or acquire” any weapons of mass destruction.
§ Iraq must reaffirm its obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
§ Creates the United Nations Special Commission (UNSCOM) to verify the elimination of Iraq’s chemical
and biological weapons programs and mandated that the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)
verify elimination of Iraq’s nuclear weapons program.
§ Iraq must declare fully its weapons of mass destruction programs.
§ Iraq must not commit or support terrorism, or allow terrorist organizations to operate in Iraq.
§ Iraq must cooperate in accounting for the missing and dead Kuwaitis and others.
§ Iraq must return Kuwaiti property seized during the Gulf War.
5
UNSCR 688 – APRIL 5, 1991
§ “Condemns” repression of Iraqi civilian population, “the consequences of which threaten international
peace and security.”
§ Iraq must immediately end repression of its civilian population.
§ Iraq must allow immediate access to international humanitarian organizations to those in need of
assistance.
UNSCR 707 – AUGUST 15, 1991
§ “Condemns” Iraq’s “serious violation” of UNSCR 687.
§ “Further condemns” Iraq’s noncompliance with IAEA and its obligations under the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty.
§ Iraq must halt nuclear activities of all kinds until the Security Council deems Iraq in full compliance.
§ Iraq must make a full, final and complete disclosure of all aspects of its weapons of mass destruction
and missile programs.
§ Iraq must allow UN and IAEA inspectors immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access.
§ Iraq must cease attempts to conceal or move weapons of mass destruction, and related materials and
facilities.
§ Iraq must allow UN and IAEA inspectors to conduct inspection flights throughout Iraq.
§ Iraq must provide transportation, medical and logistical support for UN and IAEA inspectors.
UNSCR 715 – OCTOBER 11, 1991
§ Iraq must cooperate fully with UN and IAEA inspectors.
UNSCR 949 – OCTOBER 15, 1994
§ “Condemns” Iraq’s recent military deployments toward Kuwait.
§ Iraq must not utilize its military or other forces in a hostile manner to threaten its neighbors or UN
operations in Iraq.
§ Iraq must cooperate fully with UN weapons inspectors.
§ Iraq must not enhance its military capability in southern Iraq.
UNSCR 1051 – MARCH 27, 1996
§ Iraq must report shipments of dual-use items related to weapons of mass destruction to the UN and
IAEA.
§ Iraq must cooperate fully with UN and IAEA inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and
unrestricted access.
UNSCR 1060 – JUNE 12, 1996
§ “Deplores” Iraq’s refusal to allow access to UN inspectors and Iraq’s “clear violations” of previous UN
resolutions.
§ Iraq must cooperate fully with UN weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and
unrestricted access.
6
UNSCR 1115 – JUNE 21, 1997
§ “Condemns repeated refusal of Iraqi authorities to allow access” to UN inspectors, which constitutes a
“clear and flagrant violation” of UNSCR 687, 707, 715, and 1060.
§ Iraq must cooperate fully with UN weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and
unrestricted access.
§ Iraq must give immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access to Iraqi officials whom UN inspectors
want to interview.
UNSCR 1134 – OCTOBER 23, 1997
§ “Condemns repeated refusal of Iraqi authorities to allow access” to UN inspectors, which constitutes a
“flagrant violation” of UNSCR 687, 707, 715, and 1060.
§ Iraq must cooperate fully with UN weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and
unrestricted access.
§ Iraq must give immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access to Iraqi officials whom UN inspectors
want to interview.
UNSCR 1137 – NOVEMBER 12, 1997
§ “Condemns the continued violations by Iraq” of previous UN resolutions, including its “implicit threat to
the safety of” aircraft operated by UN inspectors and its tampering with UN inspector monitoring
equipment.
§ Reaffirms Iraq’s responsibility to ensure the safety of UN inspectors.
§ Iraq must cooperate fully with UN weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and
unrestricted access.
UNSCR 1154 – MARCH 2, 1998
§ Iraq must cooperate fully with UN and IAEA weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional
and unrestricted access, and notes that any violation would have the “severest consequences for Iraq.”
UNSCR 1194 – SEPTEMBER 9, 1998
§ “Condemns the decision by Iraq of 5 August 1998 to suspend cooperation with” UN and IAEA
inspectors, which constitutes “a totally unacceptable contravention” of its obligations under UNSCR
687, 707, 715, 1060, 1115, and 1154.
§ Iraq must cooperate fully with UN and IAEA weapons inspectors, and allow immediate, unconditional
and unrestricted access.
UNSCR 1205 – NOVEMBER 5, 1998
§ “Condemns the decision by Iraq of 31 October 1998 to cease cooperation” with UN inspectors as “a
flagrant violation” of UNSCR 687 and other resolutions.
§ Iraq must provide “immediate, complete and unconditional cooperation” with UN and IAEA inspectors.
7
UNSCR 1284 – DECEMBER 17, 1999
§ Created the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspections Commission (UNMOVIC) to
replace previous weapon inspection team (UNSCOM).
§ Iraq must allow UNMOVIC “immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access” to Iraqi officials and
facilities.
§ Iraq must fulfill its commitment to return Gulf War prisoners.
§ Calls on Iraq to distribute humanitarian goods and medical supplies to its people and address the
needs of vulnerable Iraqis without discrimination.
ADDITIONAL UN SECURITY COUNCIL STATEMENTS
In addition to the legally binding UNSCRs, the UN Security Council has also issued at least 30 statements
from the President of the UN Security Council regarding Saddam Hussein’s continued violations of
UNSCRs. The list of statements includes:
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, June 28, 1991
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, February 5, 1992
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, February 19, 1992
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, February 28, 1992
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, March 6, 1992
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, March 11, 1992
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, March 12, 1992
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, April 10, 1992
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, June 17, 1992
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, July 6, 1992
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, September 2, 1992
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, November 23, 1992
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, November 24, 1992
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, January 8, 1993
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, January 11, 1993
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, June 18, 1993
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, June 28, 1993
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, November 23, 1993
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, October 8, 1994
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, March 19, 1996
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, June 14, 1996
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, August 23, 1996
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, December 30, 1996
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, June 13, 1997
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, October 29, 1997
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, November 13, 1997
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, December 3, 1997
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, December 22, 1997
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, January 14, 1998
§ UN Security Council Presidential Statement, May 14, 1998
8
SADDAM HUSSEIN’S DEVELOPMENT OF WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION
Saddam Hussein has continued to defy UN weapons inspectors for more than a decade, and he continues
his efforts to develop or acquire weapons of mass destruction – including biological, chemical and nuclear
weapons, and prohibited long-range missiles – and other means to deliver them.
BIOLOGICAL WEAPONS
§ In 2001, an Iraqi defector, Adnan Ihsan Saeed al-Haideri, said he had visited twenty secret facilities for
chemical, biological and nuclear weapons. Mr. Saeed, a civil engineer, supported his claims with
stacks of Iraqi government contracts, complete with technical specifications. Mr. Saeed said Iraq used
companies to purchase equipment with the blessing of the United Nations – and then secretly used the
equipment for their weapons programs.1
§ Iraq admitted to producing biological agents, and after the 1995 defection of a senior Iraqi official, Iraq
admitted to the weaponization of thousands of liters of anthrax, botulinim toxin, and aflatoxin for use
with Scud warheads, aerial bombs and aircraft. 2
§ United Nations Special Commission (UNSCOM) experts concluded that Iraq’s declarations on
biological agents vastly understated the extent of its program, and that Iraq actually produced two to
four times the amount of most agents, including anthrax and botulinim toxin, than it had declared.3
§ UNSCOM reported to the UN Security Council in April 1995 that Iraq had concealed its biological
weapons program and had failed to account for 3 tons of growth material for biological agents.4
§ The Department of Defense reported in January 2001 that Iraq has continued to work on its weapons
programs, including converting L-29 jet trainer aircraft for potential vehicles for the delivery of chemical
or biological weapons.5
§ The al-Dawrah Foot and Mouth Disease Vaccine Facility is one of two known biocontainment levelthree
facilities in Iraq that have an extensive air handling and filtering system. Iraq has admitted that
this was a biological weapons facility. In 2001, Iraq announced that it would begin renovating the plant
without UN approval, ostensibly to produce vaccines that it could more easily and more quickly import
through the UN.
§ Saddam Hussein continues its attempts to procure mobile biological weapons laboratories that could
be used for further research and development.
1 “Secret Sites: Iraqi tells of Renovations at Sites for Chemical and Nuclear Arms,” The New York Times, December 20, 2001
2 UNSCOM Report, January 25, 1999
3 Ibid.
4 Ibid.
5 Proliferation: Threat and Response; Department of Defense; January 2001
9
CHEMICAL WEAPONS
Saddam Hussein launched a large-scale chemical weapons attack against Iraq’s Kurdish population in the
late 1980s, killing thousands. On at least 10 occasions, Saddam Hussein’s military forces have attacked
Iranian and Kurdish targets with combinations of mustard gas and nerve agents through the use of aerial
bombs, 122-millimeter rockets, and conventional artillery shells. Saddam Hussein continues his efforts to
develop chemical weapons:
§ Gaps identified by UNSCOM in Iraqi accounting and current production capabilities strongly suggest
that Iraq maintains stockpiles of chemical agents, probably VX, sarin, cyclosarin and mustard.
§ Iraq has not accounted for hundreds of tons of chemical precursors and tens of thousands of unfilled
munitions, including Scud variant missile warheads.6
§ Iraq has not accounted for at least 15,000 artillery rockets that in the past were its preferred vehicle for
delivering nerve agents, nor has it accounted for about 550 artillery shells filled with mustard agent.7
§ Iraq continues to rebuild and expand dual-use infrastructure that it could quickly divert to chemical
weapons production, such as chlorine and phenol plants.
§ Iraq is seeking to purchase chemical weapons agent precursors and applicable production equipment,
and is making an effort to hide activities at the Fallujah plant, which was one of Iraq’s chemical
weapons production facilities before the Gulf War.
§ At Fallujah and three other plants, Iraq now has chlorine production capacity far higher than any civilian
need for water treatment, and the evidence indicates that some of its chlorine imports are being
diverted for military purposes.
NUCLEAR WEAPONS
Saddam Hussein had an advanced nuclear weapons development program before the Gulf War and
continues his work to develop a nuclear weapon:
§ A new report released on September 9, 2002 from the International Institute for Strategic Studies – an
independent research organization – concludes that Saddam Hussein could build a nuclear bomb
within months if he were able to obtain fissile material.8
§ Iraq has stepped up its quest for nuclear weapons and has embarked on a worldwide hunt for materials
to make an atomic bomb. In the last 14 months, Iraq has sought to buy thousands of specially
designed aluminum tubes which officials believe were intended as components of centrifuges to enrich
uranium.
6 UNSCOM Report, January 25, 1999
7 Ibid.
8 Iraq’s Weapons of Mass Destruction: A Net Assessment; September 9, 2002; The International Institute for Strategic Studies
10
§ Iraq has withheld documentation relevant to its past nuclear program, including data about enrichment
techniques, foreign procurement, weapons design, experimental data, and technical documents.
§ Iraq still has the technical expertise and some of the infrastructure needed to pursue its goal of building
a nuclear weapon.
§ Saddam Hussein has repeatedly met with his nuclear scientists over the past two years, signaling his
continued interest in developing his nuclear program.
BALLISTIC MISSILES
§ Iraq is believed to be developing ballistic missiles with a range greater than 150 kilometers – as
prohibited by the UN Security Council Resolution 687.
§ Discrepancies identified by UNSCOM in Saddam Hussein’s declarations suggest that Iraq retains a
small force of Scud-type missiles and an undetermined number of launchers and warheads.9
§ Iraq continues work on the al-Samoud liquid propellant short-range missile (which can fly beyond the
allowed 150 kilometers). The al-Samoud and the solid propellant Ababil-100 appeared in a military
parade in Baghdad on December 31, 2000, suggesting that both systems are nearing operational
deployment.
§ The al-Rafah-North facility is Iraq’s principal site for testing liquid propellant missile engines. Iraq has
been building a new, larger test stand there that is clearly intended for testing prohibited longer-range
missile engines.
§ At their al-Mamoun facility, the Iraqis have rebuilt structures that had been dismantled by UNSCOM
that were originally designed to manufacture solid propellant motors for the Badr-2000 missile program.
9 UNSCOM Report
11
SADDAM HUSSEIN’S REPRESSION OF THE IRAQI PEOPLE
UNSCR 688 (April 5, 1991) “condemns” Saddam Hussein’s repression of the Iraqi civilian population -- “the
consequences of which threaten international peace and security.” UNSCR 688 also requires Saddam
Hussein to end his repression of the Iraqi people and to allow immediate access to international
humanitarian organizations to help those in need of assistance. Saddam Hussein has repeatedly violated
these provisions and has: expanded his violence against women and children; continued his horrific torture
and execution of innocent Iraqis; continued to violate the basic human rights of the Iraqi people and has
continued to control all sources of information (including killing more than 500 journalists and other opinion
leaders in the past decade). Saddam Hussein has also harassed humanitarian aid workers; expanded his
crimes against Muslims; he has withheld food from families that fail to offer their children to his regime; and
he has continued to subject Iraqis to unfair imprisonment.10
REFUSAL TO ADMIT HUMAN RIGHTS MONITORS
§ The UN Commission on Human Rights and the UN General Assembly issued a report that noted "with
dismay" the lack of improvement in the situation of human rights in Iraq. The report strongly criticized
the "systematic, widespread, and extremely grave violations of human rights" and of international
humanitarian law by the Iraqi Government, which it stated resulted in "all-pervasive repression and
oppression sustained by broad-based discrimination and widespread terror." The report called on the
Iraqi Government to fulfill its obligations under international human rights treaties.
§ Saddam Hussein has repeatedly refused visits by human rights monitors and the establishment of
independent human rights organizations. From 1992 until 2002, Saddam prevented the UN Special
Rapporteur from visiting Iraq.11
§ In September 2001 the Government expelled six UN humanitarian relief workers without providing any
explanation.12
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN
§ Human rights organizations and opposition groups continued to receive reports of women who suffered
from severe psychological trauma after being raped by Iraqi personnel while in custody.13
§ Former Mukhabarat member Khalid Al-Janabi reported that a Mukhabarat unit, the Technical
Operations Directorate, used rape and sexual assault in a systematic and institutionalized manner for
political purposes. The unit reportedly also videotaped the rape of female relatives of suspected
oppositionists and used the videotapes for blackmail purposes and to ensure their future cooperation.14
10 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Iraq, March 4, 2002; US Department of State; www.state.gov
11 Page 2-3, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Iraq, March 4, 2002; US Department of State; www.state.gov
12 Ibid, Page 6
13 Ibid, Page 5
14 Ibid, Page 5
12
§ In June 2000, a former Iraqi general reportedly received a videotape of security forces raping a female
family member. He subsequently received a telephone call from an intelligence agent who stated that
another female relative was being held and warned him to stop speaking out against the Iraqi
Government.15
§ Iraqi security forces allegedly raped women who were captured during the Anfal Campaign and during
the occupation of Kuwait. 16
§ Amnesty International reported that, in October 2000, the Iraqi Government executed dozens of women
accused of prostitution.17
§ In May, the Iraqi Government reportedly tortured to death the mother of three Iraqi defectors for her
children’s opposition activities.18
§ Iraqi security agents reportedly decapitated numerous women and men in front of their family
members. According to Amnesty International, the victims’ heads were displayed in front of their
homes for several days.19
TORTURE
§ Iraqi security services routinely and systematically torture detainees. According to former prisoners,
torture techniques included branding, electric shocks administered to the genitals and other areas,
beating, pulling out of fingernails, burning with hot irons and blowtorches, suspension from rotating
ceiling fans, dripping acid on the skin, rape, breaking of limbs, denial of food and water, extended
solitary confinement in dark and extremely small compartments, and threats to rape or otherwise harm
family members and relatives. Evidence of such torture often was apparent when security forces
returned the mutilated bodies of torture victims to their families.20
§ According to a report received by the UN Special Rapporteur in 1998, hundreds of Kurds and other
detainees have been held without charge for close to two decades in extremely harsh conditions, and
many of them have been used as subjects in Iraq’s illegal experimental chemical and biological
weapons programs.21
§ In 2000, the authorities reportedly introduced tongue amputation as a punishment for persons who
criticize Saddam Hussein or his family, and on July 17, government authorities reportedly amputated
the tongue of a person who allegedly criticized Saddam Hussein. Authorities reportedly performed the
amputation in front of a large crowd. Similar tongue amputations also reportedly occurred.22
15 Page 7, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Iraq, March 4, 2002; US Department of State; www.state.gov
16 Ibid, Page 5
17 Ibid, Page 2
18 Ibid, Page 3
19 Ibid, Page 3
20 Ibid, Page 4
21 Ibid, Page 6
22 Ibid, Page 4-5
13
§ Refugees fleeing to Europe often reported instances of torture to receiving governments, and displayed
scars and mutilations to substantiate their claims.23
§ In August 2001 Amnesty International released a report entitled Iraq -- Systematic Torture of Political
Prisoners, which detailed the systematic and routine use of torture against suspected political
opponents and, occasionally, other prisoners. Amnesty International also reports “Detainees have also
been threatened with bringing in a female relative, especially the wife or the mother, and raping her in
front of the detainee. Some of these threats have been carried out.”24
§ Saad Keis Naoman, an Iraqi soccer player who defected to Europe, reported that he and his
teammates were beaten and humiliated at the order of Uday Saddam Hussein for poor performances.
He was flogged until his back was bloody, forcing him to sleep on his stomach in the tiny cell in Al-
Radwaniya prison.25
EXECUTIONS AND REPRESSION OF POLITICAL OPPOSITION
§ Former UN Human Rights Special Rapporteur Max Van der Stoel’s report in April 1998 stated that Iraq
had executed at least 1,500 people during the previous year for political reasons.
§ The government continues to execute summarily alleged political opponents and leaders in the Shi’a
religious community. Reports suggest that persons were executed merely because of their association
with an opposition group or as part of a continuing effort to reduce prison populations.26
§ In February 2001, the Government reportedly executed 37 political detainees for opposition activity.27
§ In June 2001, security forces killed a Shi’a cleric, Hussein Bahar al-Uloom, for refusing to appear on
television to congratulate Qusay Saddam Hussein for his election to a Ba’th Party position. Such
killings continue an apparent government policy of eliminating prominent Shi’a clerics who are
suspected of disloyalty to the government. In 1998 and 1999, the Government killed a number of
leading Shi’a clerics, prompting the former Special Rapporteur in 1999 to express his concern to the
government that the killings might be part of a systematic attack by government officials on the
independent leadership of the Shi’a Muslim community. The government did not respond to the
Special Rapporteur’s letter.28
§ There are persistent reports that families are made to pay for the cost of executions.29
§ Saddam Hussein destroyed the southern Iraqi town of Albu ‘Aysh sometime between September 1998
and December 1999.30
23 Page 4, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Iraq, March 4, 2002; US Department of State; www.state.gov
24 Iraq – Systematic Torture of Political Prisoners; Amnesty International; web.amnesty.org
25 Page 4, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Iraq, March 4, 2002; US Department of State; www.state.gov
26 Ibid, Page 1
27 Ibid, Page 2
28 Ibid, Page 2
29 Ibid, Page 4
30 Iraq – Systematic Torture of Political Prisoners; Amnesty International; web.amnesty.org
14
§ Iraq has conducted a systematic “Arabization” campaign of ethnic cleansing designed to harass and
expel ethnic Kurds and Turkmen from government-controlled areas. Non-Arab citizens are forced to
change their ethnicity or their identity documents and adopt Arab names, or they are deprived of their
homes, property and food-ration cards, and expelled.
SADDAM HUSSEIN’S ABUSE OF CHILDREN
§ Saddam Hussein has held 3-week training courses in weapons use, hand-to-hand fighting, rappelling
from helicopters, and infantry tactics for children between 10 and 15 years of age. Camps for these
"Saddam Cubs" operated throughout the country. Senior military officers who supervised the courses
noted that the children held up under the "physical and psychological strain" of training that lasted for
as long as 14 hours each day. Sources in the opposition report that the army found it difficult to recruit
enough children to fill all of the vacancies in the program. Families reportedly were threatened with the
loss of their food ration cards if they refused to enroll their children in the course. The Supreme Council
for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq reported in October 1999 that authorities were denying food ration
cards to families that failed to send their young sons to Saddam Cubs compulsory weapons-training
camps. Similarly, authorities reportedly withheld school examination results to students unless they
registered in the Fedayeen Saddam organization.31
§ Iraq often announces food ration cuts for the general population, blaming US or UK actions. Among
the most controversial have been cuts in baby milk rations. Iraq has blamed the shortages on US and
UK contract rejections, although the UN has approved all baby milk contracts submitted.
§ Child labor persists and there are instances of forced labor.
§ There are widespread reports that food and medicine that could have been made available to the
general public, including children, have been stockpiled in warehouses or diverted for the personal use
of some government officials.32
DISAPPEARANCES
§ Amnesty International reported that Iraq has the world’s worst record for numbers of persons who have
disappeared or remain unaccounted for. 33
§ In 1999, the UN Special Rapporteur stated that Iraq remains the country with the highest number of
disappearances known to the UN: over 16,000.
BASIC FREEDOMS: FREEDOM OF SPEECH, FREEDOM OF THE PRESS, FREEDOM OF INFORMATION
§ In practice, Saddam Hussein does not permit freedom of speech or of the press, and does not tolerate
political dissent in areas under its control. In November 2000, the UN General Assembly criticized
Saddam Hussein’s "suppression of freedom of thought, expression, information, association, and
assembly." The Special Rapporteur stated in October 1999 that citizens lived "in a climate of fear," in
31 Page 1, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Iraq, March 4, 2002; US Department of State; www.state.gov
32 Ibid, Page 16
33 Ibid, Page 3
15
which whatever they said or did, particularly in the area of politics, involved "the risk of arrest and
interrogation by the police or military intelligence." He noted that "the mere suggestion that someone is
not a supporter of the President carries the prospect of the death penalty."34
§ In June 2001, the Human Rights Alliance reported that Saddam Hussein had killed more than 500
journalists and other intellectuals in the past decade.35
§ Saddam Hussein frequently infringes on citizens' constitutional right to privacy. Saddam routinely
ignores constitutional provisions designed to protect the confidentiality of mail, telegraphic
correspondence, and telephone conversations. Iraq periodically jams news broadcasts from outside the
country, including those of opposition groups. The security services and the Ba'th Party maintain
pervasive networks of informers to deter dissident activity and instill fear in the public.36
§ Foreign journalists must work from offices located within the Iraqi ministry building and are
accompanied everywhere they go by ministry officers, who reportedly restrict their movements and
make it impossible for them to interact freely with citizens.37
§ The Iraqi Government, the Ba'th Party, or persons close to Saddam Hussein own all print and
broadcast media, and operate them as propaganda outlets. They generally do not report opposing
points of view that are expressed either domestically or abroad.38
§ In September 1999, Hashem Hasan, a journalist and Baghdad University professor, was arrested after
declining an appointment as editor of one of Uday Hussein's publications. The Paris-based Reporters
Sans Frontieres (RSF) sent a letter of appeal to Uday Hussein; however, Hassan's fate and
whereabouts remained unknown at year's end.39
§ Saddam Hussein regularly jams foreign news broadcasts. Satellite dishes, modems, and fax machines
are banned, although some restrictions reportedly were lifted in 1999.40
§ In government-operated Internet cafes, users only are permitted to view web sites provided by the
Ministry of Culture and Information.41
§ In 1999, Uday Hussein reportedly dismissed hundreds of members of the Iraqi Union of Journalists for
not praising Saddam Hussein and the Government sufficiently.42
34 Page 9, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Iraq, March 4, 2002; US Department of State; www.state.gov
35 Ibid, Page 9
36 Ibid, Page 7
37 Ibid, Page 9
38 Ibid, Page 9
39 Ibid, Page 10
40 Ibid, Page 10
41 Ibid, Page 10
42 Ibid, Page 10
16
WITHHOLDING OF FOOD
§ Relatives who do not report deserters may lose their ration cards for purchasing government-controlled
food supplies, be evicted from their residences, or face the arrest of other family members. The
Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq reported in October and December 1999 that
authorities denied food ration cards to families that failed to send their young sons to the "Saddam’s
Cubs” compulsory weapons training camps.43
CRIMES AGAINST MUSLIMS
§ The Government consistently politicizes and interferes with religious pilgrimages, both of Iraqi Muslims
who wish to make the Hajj to Mecca and Medina and of Iraqi and non-Iraqi Muslim pilgrims who travel
to holy sites within the country. For example, in 1998 the UN Sanctions Committee offered to disburse
vouchers for travel and expenses to pilgrims making the Hajj; however, the Government rejected this
offer. In 1999 the Sanctions Committee offered to disburse funds to cover Hajj-related expenses via a
neutral third party; the Government again rejected the offer. Following the December 1999 passage of
UN Security Council Resolution 1284, the Sanctions Committee again sought to devise a protocol to
facilitate the payment for individuals making the journey. The Sanctions Committee proposed to issue
$250 in cash and $1,750 in travelers checks to each individual pilgrim to be distributed at the U.N.
office in Baghdad in the presence of both U.N. and Iraqi officials. The Government again declined and,
consequently, no Iraqi pilgrims were able to take advantage of the available funds or, in 2000, of the
permitted flights. The Government continued to insist that these funds would be accepted only if they
were paid in cash to the government-controlled central bank, not to the Hajj pilgrims.44
More than 95 percent of the population of Iraq are Muslim. The (predominantly Arab) Shi'a Muslims
constitute a 60 to 65 percent majority:
§ The Iraqi government has for decades conducted a brutal campaign of murder, summary execution,
and protracted arbitrary arrest against the religious leaders and followers of the majority Shi'a Muslim
population. Despite nominal legal protection of religious equality, the Government has repressed
severely the Shi'a clergy and those who follow the Shi'a faith. 45
§ Forces from the Mukhabarat, General Security (Amn Al-Amm), the Military Bureau, Saddam's
Commandos (Fedayeen Saddam), and the Ba'th Party have killed senior Shi'a clerics, desecrated Shi'a
mosques and holy sites, and interfered with Shi'a religious education. Security agents reportedly are
stationed at all the major Shi'a mosques and shrines, where they search, harass, and arbitrarily arrest
worshipers.46
43 Page 8, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Iraq, March 4, 2002; US Department of State; www.state.gov
44 Ibid, Page 11-12
45 Ibid, Page 11
46 Ibid, Page 11
17
§ The following government restrictions on religious rights remained in effect during 2001: restrictions
and outright bans on communal Friday prayer by Shi'a Muslims; restrictions on the loaning of books by
Shi'a mosque libraries; a ban on the broadcast of Shi'a programs on government-controlled radio or
television; a ban on the publication of Shi'a books, including prayer books and guides; a ban on funeral
processions other than those organized by the Government; a ban on other Shi'a funeral observances
such as gatherings for Koran reading; and the prohibition of certain processions and public meetings
that commemorate Shi'a holy days. Shi'a groups report that they captured documents from the security
services during the 1991 uprising that listed thousands of forbidden Shi'a religious writings.47
§ In June 1999, several Shi'a opposition groups reported that the Government instituted a program in the
predominantly Shi'a districts of Baghdad that used food ration cards to restrict where individuals could
pray. The ration cards, part of the UN oil-for-food program, reportedly are checked when the bearer
enters a mosque and are printed with a notice of severe penalties for those who attempt to pray at an
unauthorized location.48
47 Page 11, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Iraq, March 4, 2002; US Department of State; www.state.gov
48 Ibid, Page 11
18
SADDAM HUSSEIN’S SUPPORT FOR INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM
Iraq is one of seven countries that have been designated by the Secretary of State as state sponsors of
international terrorism. UNSCR 687 prohibits Saddam Hussein from committing or supporting terrorism, or
allowing terrorist organizations to operate in Iraq. Saddam continues to violate these UNSCR provisions.49
§ In 1993, the Iraqi Intelligence Service (IIS) directed and pursued an attempt to assassinate, through the
use of a powerful car bomb, former U.S. President George Bush and the Emir of Kuwait. Kuwaiti
authorities thwarted the terrorist plot and arrested 16 suspects, led by two Iraqi nationals.
§ Iraq shelters terrorist groups including the Mujahedin-e-Khalq Organization (MKO), which has used
terrorist violence against Iran and in the 1970s was responsible for killing several U.S. military
personnel and U.S. civilians.50
§ Iraq shelters several prominent Palestinian terrorist organizations in Baghdad, including the Palestine
Liberation Front (PLF), which is known for aerial attacks against Israel and is headed by Abu Abbas,
who carried out the 1985 hijacking of the cruise ship Achille Lauro and murdered U.S. citizen Leon
Klinghoffer.51
§ Iraq shelters the Abu Nidal Organization, an international terrorist organization that has carried out
terrorist attacks in twenty countries, killing or injuring almost 900 people. Targets have included the
United States and several other Western nations. Each of these groups have offices in Baghdad and
receive training, logistical assistance, and financial aid from the government of Iraq.52
§ In April 2002, Saddam Hussein increased from $10,000 to $25,000 the money offered to families of
Palestinian suicide/homicide bombers. The rules for rewarding suicide/homicide bombers are strict
and insist that only someone who blows himself up with a belt of explosives gets the full payment.
Payments are made on a strict scale, with different amounts for wounds, disablement, death as a
“martyr” and $25,000 for a suicide bomber. Mahmoud Besharat, a representative on the West Bank
who is handing out to families the money from Saddam, said, “You would have to ask President
Saddam why he is being so generous. But he is a revolutionary and he wants this distinguished
struggle, the intifada, to continue."53
§ Former Iraqi military officers have described a highly secret terrorist training facility in Iraq known as
Salman Pak, where both Iraqis and non-Iraqi Arabs receive training on hijacking planes and trains,
planting explosives in cities, sabotage, and assassinations.
49 Patterns of Global Terrorism 2001: Overview of State-Sponsored Terrorism; US Department of State; May 21, 2002.
50 Ibid.
51 Ibid.
52 Ibid.
53 “Jenin Families Pocket Iraqi Cash”; The Washington Times: London Daily Telegraph; May 31, 2002.
19
SADDAM HUSSEIN’S REFUSAL TO ACCOUNT FOR GULF WAR PRISONERS
UNSCRs 686, 687 and others require Saddam Hussein to release immediately any Gulf War prisoners and
to cooperate in accounting for missing and dead Kuwaitis and others from the Gulf War. Saddam has
continued to violate these resolutions.
§ Saddam Hussein has failed to return, or account for, a large number of Kuwaiti citizens and citizens of
other countries who were detained during the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait and continues to refuse to
cooperate with the Tripartite Commission to resolve the cases.
§ Of 609 cases of missing Gulf War POWs/MIAs representing 14 nationalities – including one American
pilot – under review by the Tripartite Commission on Gulf War Missing, only 4 have been resolved.
Because of continued Iraqi obfuscation and concealment, very few cases have been resolved since the
Gulf War. Saddam Hussein denies having any knowledge of the others and claims that any relevant
records were lost in the aftermath of the Gulf War.
§ In a December 2001 report to the UN Security Council, the UN Secretary-General criticized the Iraqi
Government's refusal to cooperate with the U.N. on the issue of the missing POWs/MIAs citizens. Iran
reports that the Iraqi Government still has not accounted for 5,000 Iranian POW's missing since the
Iran-Iraq War.
§ “Secretary General reiterates little progress on the issue of repatriation or return of all Kuwaiti and third
country nationals or their remains, as Iraq refused to cooperate with the Tripartite Commission.”54
§ In August 2001, Amnesty International reported that Saddam Hussein has the world's worst record for
numbers of persons who have disappeared and remain unaccounted for. 55
§ The Iraqi Government continued to ignore the more than 16,000 cases conveyed to it in 1994 and 1995
by the UN, as well as requests from the Governments of Kuwait and Saudi Arabia to account for the
whereabouts of those who had disappeared during Iraq's 1990-91 occupation of Kuwait, and from Iran
regarding the whereabouts of prisoners of war that Iraq captured in the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq War. 56
§ “Security Council regrets that no progress made on return of Kuwaiti national archives, reiterate need
for Iraq to immediately fulfill all requirements under the relevant resolutions, including repatriation or
return of all Kuwaiti and third country nationals or their remains.”57
54 Vorontsov Report; UN SG/2002/931 on Iraqi Non-Compliance With UNSCR 1284
55 Page 3, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Iraq, March 4, 2002; US Department of State; www.state.gov
56 Ibid, Page 3
57 Vorontsov Report; UN SG/2002/931 on Iraqi Non-Compliance With UNSCR 1284
20
SADDAM HUSSEIN’S REFUSAL TO RETURN STOLEN PROPERTY
Iraq destroyed much stolen property before it could be returned, and Kuwait claims that large quantities of
equipment remain unaccounted for:
§ The UN and Kuwait say Iraq has not returned extensive Kuwaiti state archives and museum pieces, as
well as military equipment, including eight Mirage F-1 aircraft, 245 Russian-made fighting vehicles, 90
M113 armored personnel carriers, one Hawk battery, 3,750 Tow and anti-tank missiles, and 675
Russian-made surface-to-air missile batteries.
21
SADDAM HUSSEIN’S EFFORTS TO CIRCUMVENT ECONOMIC SANCTIONS AND
IMPEDE THE OIL-FOR-FOOD PROGRAM
§ Saddam Hussein has illegally imported hundreds of millions of dollars in goods in violation of economic
sanctions and outside of the UN’s Oil-for-Food program. For example, Iraq has imported fiber optic
communications systems that support the Iraqi military.
§ Iraq has diverted dual-use items obtained under the Oil for Food program for military purposes. For
example, Iraq diverted UN approved trucks from humanitarian relief purposes to military purposes, and
has used construction equipment to help rebuild WMD-affiliated facilities.
§ The Iraqi regime illicitly exports hundreds of thousands of barrels of oil each day in flagrant violation of
UNSCRs and blatant disregard for the humanitarian well-being of the Iraqi people. In so doing, it has
deprived the Iraqi people of billions of dollars in food, medicine, and other humanitarian assistance that
would have been provided if the regime had exported the oil under the UN Oil-for-Food program.
Instead, Saddam Hussein has used these billions to fund his WMD programs, pay off his security
apparatus, and supply himself and his supporters with luxury items and other goods.
§ In January 2002, President Bush reported to Congress that “as most recently stated in a November 19
UN report, the government of Iraq is not committed to using funds available through the Oil for Food
program to improve the health and welfare of the Iraqi people…Iraq’s contracting delays, cuts in food,
medicine, educational and other humanitarian sector allocations, government attempts to impede or
shut down humanitarian NGO operations in northern Iraq, and Baghdad’s delays in the issuance of
visas for UN personnel demonstrate that the Iraqi regime is trying to undermine the effectiveness of the
program.”58
§ Saddam Hussein spends smuggled oil wealth on his lavish palaces and inner circle, rather than on the
humanitarian needs of the Iraqi people.
§ Saddam Hussein has used water pumps, piping, and other supplies that could have been used to
repair urban sewer and water systems in order to construct moats and canals at his palaces.
58 President’s Report to Congress; January 2002; under P.L. 102-1
UN_agent
what a long shopping list the UN has !
15.11.2002 10:56
(USA is always actively abetted by GB in all this)
gythuk