Washington's "Anti-Terrorism" Campaign in Colombia
Gary Leech | 07.10.2001 09:52
As Washington shifts its foreign policy focus towards combating terrorism, many have speculated that military funding for the drug war in Colombia will diminish.
October 1, 2001
Colombia Report
by Garry M. Leech
As Washington shifts its foreign policy focus towards combating terrorism, many have speculated that military funding for the drug war in Colombia will diminish. However, just the opposite is likely to occur as Washington can now escalate its military involvement in Colombia under the guise of anti-terrorism. With all of Colombia's illegal armed groups on the U.S. State Department's terrorist list, Washington can use the groundswell of public support for a war against terrorism as justification for further arming and equipping the Colombian army in its war against leftist guerrillas.
Many in Colombia and the international community have criticized the militaristic nature of the U.S. drug war in Colombia (see, Plan Colombia Lacks International Support). In particular, the U.S.-sponsored aerial fumigation of illicit crops has come under heavy fire (see, Death Falls from the Sky). A Colombian judge temporarily suspended spraying over Amazonian Indian lands and a bill was recently introduced into the Colombian Congress calling for an end to the fumigation because of environmental and human health concerns. Consequently, with its drug war policies under fire from all sides, a war against terrorism offers Washington a new excuse for escalating its military involvement in Colombia.
The Colombian army is already aware of the possibilities offered by the anti-terrorism justification for military aid. Shortly before the recent terrorist attacks against the United States, the Colombian army arrested three Irish Republican Army (IRA) members who had allegedly spent five weeks in the rebel safe-haven training Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) guerrillas in the use of explosives. Since the terrorist attack, the Colombian army has released a tape recording of an alleged intercepted radio conversation between FARC military commander Jorge (Mono Jojoy) Briceno and his top lieutenants in which Briceno threatens to attack the United States. Last week, authorities also reported the arrest of two Iranians who had spent time in the rebel safe-haven, while Liberal Party Senator German Vargas claimed that retired Cuban soldiers are training FARC guerrillas in southern Colombia.
A voice on the intercepted radio communication that the Colombian army claims is Briceno, states that the FARC intends, "To combat them [the United States] wherever they may be, until we get to their own territory, to make them feel the pain which they have inflicted on other peoples. To take away their economic resources from them by any means in order to defeat them. Reach out to North Americans who are unhappy and organize them. Reach out to black North Americans and make them see how they are discriminated against."
It is widely known that the FARC does not possess the capabilities to operate in the United States and the only military operations the rebel group has conducted outside Colombia have been temporary excursions across the remote jungle borders of neighboring Ecuador, Panama and Venezuela. However, the propaganda value to the Colombian army of the conveniently publicized tape is clearly evident.
At this time, the United States is ultra-sensitive to any threats made against it, regardless of how improbable they might seem. Consequently, the portrayal of the FARC, who only pose a threat to U.S. political and economic interests in Colombia, as international terrorists would provide Washington with justification for expanding its "drug war" agenda in the Andean region (see, This Drug War isn't All About Drugs).
Last week, the Colombian army wasted little time informing the media about the arrests of two Iranians who had recently spent time in the rebel safe-haven in southern Colombia. The two individuals, whose arrests insinuated ties between the FARC and Iran, were released when it became clear they had done nothing wrong. However, the whole affair once again allowed the Colombian army to play its terrorist trump card.
In the latest salvo of the anti-terrorist propaganda campaign, Liberal Party Senator German Vargas also tried to connect the FARC to international terrorism. He recently claimed that some 30 retired Cuban soldiers, along with ten Venezuelans and Nicaraguans, are in the rebel safe-haven training FARC guerrillas. Cuba, like Iran, is on the U.S. State Department's list of nations that sponsor terrorism.
Meanwhile, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez recently stated that Colombia's guerrilla groups should not be considered terrorist organizations. In the past, Washington has expressed concern regarding Chavez's sympathy for Colombia's leftist rebels, anti-neoliberal rhetoric and his role in organizing OPEC's production cutbacks in order to raise global oil prices (see, The Chavez Factor). The Venezuelan president's "support" of Colombia's "terrorists" could provide the Untied States with the excuse it needs to launch a campaign to undermine his government.
The Colombian military is clearly hoping that by portraying the rebel zone as a safe-haven for terrorists, Washington will pressure the Colombian government into terminating it. In the meantime, it appears the military is taking matters into its own hands. According to General Mario Montoya, he has been given authorization by the head of the Colombian army, General Fernando Tapias, to begin sending troops into the rebel safe-haven, "There is no rule allowing this, but I have my orders. If they attack us and retreat into the zone, we will pursue them."
The Colombian military establishment is well aware that its goal of obtaining future aid from Washington will now be better served by fighting a war against terrorism. Consequently, the FARC will be conveniently linked to international terrorist activities in much the same way they have been connected to the drug trade in recent years.
The new propaganda campaign emanating from Colombia further illustrates that the Colombian military's principle concern is not the U.S.-sponsored drug war, but the defeat of the FARC. Clearly, Colombian warmongers are willing to manipulate current events in order to accommodate Washington's foreign policy interests if it results in more military aid. And it is only a matter of time before Washington's neoliberal warriors begin subverting new anti-terrorist policies to serve their own political and economic interests in Colombia in much the same way they manipulated the Cold War and drug war policies of the past.
Colombia Report
by Garry M. Leech
As Washington shifts its foreign policy focus towards combating terrorism, many have speculated that military funding for the drug war in Colombia will diminish. However, just the opposite is likely to occur as Washington can now escalate its military involvement in Colombia under the guise of anti-terrorism. With all of Colombia's illegal armed groups on the U.S. State Department's terrorist list, Washington can use the groundswell of public support for a war against terrorism as justification for further arming and equipping the Colombian army in its war against leftist guerrillas.
Many in Colombia and the international community have criticized the militaristic nature of the U.S. drug war in Colombia (see, Plan Colombia Lacks International Support). In particular, the U.S.-sponsored aerial fumigation of illicit crops has come under heavy fire (see, Death Falls from the Sky). A Colombian judge temporarily suspended spraying over Amazonian Indian lands and a bill was recently introduced into the Colombian Congress calling for an end to the fumigation because of environmental and human health concerns. Consequently, with its drug war policies under fire from all sides, a war against terrorism offers Washington a new excuse for escalating its military involvement in Colombia.
The Colombian army is already aware of the possibilities offered by the anti-terrorism justification for military aid. Shortly before the recent terrorist attacks against the United States, the Colombian army arrested three Irish Republican Army (IRA) members who had allegedly spent five weeks in the rebel safe-haven training Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) guerrillas in the use of explosives. Since the terrorist attack, the Colombian army has released a tape recording of an alleged intercepted radio conversation between FARC military commander Jorge (Mono Jojoy) Briceno and his top lieutenants in which Briceno threatens to attack the United States. Last week, authorities also reported the arrest of two Iranians who had spent time in the rebel safe-haven, while Liberal Party Senator German Vargas claimed that retired Cuban soldiers are training FARC guerrillas in southern Colombia.
A voice on the intercepted radio communication that the Colombian army claims is Briceno, states that the FARC intends, "To combat them [the United States] wherever they may be, until we get to their own territory, to make them feel the pain which they have inflicted on other peoples. To take away their economic resources from them by any means in order to defeat them. Reach out to North Americans who are unhappy and organize them. Reach out to black North Americans and make them see how they are discriminated against."
It is widely known that the FARC does not possess the capabilities to operate in the United States and the only military operations the rebel group has conducted outside Colombia have been temporary excursions across the remote jungle borders of neighboring Ecuador, Panama and Venezuela. However, the propaganda value to the Colombian army of the conveniently publicized tape is clearly evident.
At this time, the United States is ultra-sensitive to any threats made against it, regardless of how improbable they might seem. Consequently, the portrayal of the FARC, who only pose a threat to U.S. political and economic interests in Colombia, as international terrorists would provide Washington with justification for expanding its "drug war" agenda in the Andean region (see, This Drug War isn't All About Drugs).
Last week, the Colombian army wasted little time informing the media about the arrests of two Iranians who had recently spent time in the rebel safe-haven in southern Colombia. The two individuals, whose arrests insinuated ties between the FARC and Iran, were released when it became clear they had done nothing wrong. However, the whole affair once again allowed the Colombian army to play its terrorist trump card.
In the latest salvo of the anti-terrorist propaganda campaign, Liberal Party Senator German Vargas also tried to connect the FARC to international terrorism. He recently claimed that some 30 retired Cuban soldiers, along with ten Venezuelans and Nicaraguans, are in the rebel safe-haven training FARC guerrillas. Cuba, like Iran, is on the U.S. State Department's list of nations that sponsor terrorism.
Meanwhile, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez recently stated that Colombia's guerrilla groups should not be considered terrorist organizations. In the past, Washington has expressed concern regarding Chavez's sympathy for Colombia's leftist rebels, anti-neoliberal rhetoric and his role in organizing OPEC's production cutbacks in order to raise global oil prices (see, The Chavez Factor). The Venezuelan president's "support" of Colombia's "terrorists" could provide the Untied States with the excuse it needs to launch a campaign to undermine his government.
The Colombian military is clearly hoping that by portraying the rebel zone as a safe-haven for terrorists, Washington will pressure the Colombian government into terminating it. In the meantime, it appears the military is taking matters into its own hands. According to General Mario Montoya, he has been given authorization by the head of the Colombian army, General Fernando Tapias, to begin sending troops into the rebel safe-haven, "There is no rule allowing this, but I have my orders. If they attack us and retreat into the zone, we will pursue them."
The Colombian military establishment is well aware that its goal of obtaining future aid from Washington will now be better served by fighting a war against terrorism. Consequently, the FARC will be conveniently linked to international terrorist activities in much the same way they have been connected to the drug trade in recent years.
The new propaganda campaign emanating from Colombia further illustrates that the Colombian military's principle concern is not the U.S.-sponsored drug war, but the defeat of the FARC. Clearly, Colombian warmongers are willing to manipulate current events in order to accommodate Washington's foreign policy interests if it results in more military aid. And it is only a matter of time before Washington's neoliberal warriors begin subverting new anti-terrorist policies to serve their own political and economic interests in Colombia in much the same way they manipulated the Cold War and drug war policies of the past.
Gary Leech
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