July 2004, 34minutes, Spanish with English subtitles, VHS PAL/NTSC
Produced by the Bolivarian Circle of the Global Women’s Strike
Venezuela is the world’s 5th largest oil exporter, yet 80% of its population lives in poverty. In 1998 President Hugo Chávez was elected to use the oil revenue to tackle poverty. In April 2002 a coup against him was defeated by the millions who took to the streets. A few months later the élite and the CIA paralyzed Venezuela’s oil company PDVSA to bring Chávez down. Oil workers took over and worked round the clock to recover production.
In this documentary José Bodas, Luís Felix Marín, Jesús Montilla and Tania Suárez tell how they saved PDVSA and how they are organizing to “put the oil industry at the service of humanity”.
Produced by the Bolivarian Circle of the Global Women’s Strike
Venezuela is the world’s 5th largest oil exporter, yet 80% of its population lives in poverty. In 1998 President Hugo Chávez was elected to use the oil revenue to tackle poverty. In April 2002 a coup against him was defeated by the millions who took to the streets. A few months later the élite and the CIA paralyzed Venezuela’s oil company PDVSA to bring Chávez down. Oil workers took over and worked round the clock to recover production.
In this documentary José Bodas, Luís Felix Marín, Jesús Montilla and Tania Suárez tell how they saved PDVSA and how they are organizing to “put the oil industry at the service of humanity”.
“At the beginning we couldn’t stop the sabotage, we were just oil workers. Now we have come together with the armed forces and the communities.”
“The wives of our workmates were hand-in-hand with their husbands. They brought them food, gave all their backing, so that those workers could save the industry.”
“The Guide Committee was born a year ago – a tool for the workers to participate in building the management that is yet to be built.”
“This revolution is being fought, won or lost in PDVSA. We believe in working class management for PDVSA. It is the only way, there is no other.”
“We say no more blood for oil. We must use this energy not to destroy the planet, but so that all of us can live.”
“We know the difference between the people of the US and those who govern them. The US people are also victims of the multinationals, and they have a history of struggle.”
“It’s as if the industrial working class had been asleep … The women came out first and the military. Then the workers came, those who were not unionized – the grassroots – and placed themselves on the front line ... From that moment industrial workers in Venezuela became something entirely different.” Nora Castañeda, President, Women’s Development Bank
To get a VHS copy of “The Bolivarian Revolution: Enter the oil workers” send £5/$10 to Crossroads Books, Crossroads Women’s Centre, 230A Kentish Town Road, London NW5 2AB, UK
020-7482 2496
booksvideos@crossroadswomen.net
www.globalwomenstrike.net
An antidote for apathy
Venezuela's president has achieved a level of grassroots participation our politicians can only dream of
Selma James
The Guardian, Friday August 13, 2004
Increasing numbers of people, especially the young, seem disconnected from an electoral process which, they feel, does not represent them. This is part of a general cynicism about every aspect of public life.
Venezuela has many problems, but this is not one of them. Its big trouble - but also its great possibility - is that it has oil; it is the fifth largest exporter. The US depends on it and thus wants control over it. But the Venezuelan government needs the oil revenue, which US multinationals (among others) siphoned off for decades, for its efforts to abolish poverty. Hugo Chávez was elected to do just that in 1998, despite almost all of the media campaigning against him.
Participation in politics especially at the grassroots has skyrocketed. A new constitution was passed with more than 70% of the vote, and there have been several elections to ratify various aspects of the government's programme. Even government opponents who had organised a coup in 2002 (it failed) have now resorted to the ballot, collecting 2.4 million signatures - many of them suspect - to trigger a referendum against President Chávez, which will be held on Sunday.
For Venezuela's participatory democracy, which works from the bottom up, the ballot is only a first step. People represent themselves rather than wait to be represented by others, traditionally of a higher class and lighter skin. Working-class sectors, usually the least active, are now centrally involved.
Chávez has based himself on this pueblo protagónico - the grassroots as protagonists. He knows that the changes he was elected to make can only be achieved with, and protected by, popular participation.
Chávez has understood the potential power of women as primary carers. Four months of continuous lobbying got women the constitution they wanted. Among its anti-sexist, anti-racist provisions, it recognises women's unwaged caring work as economically productive, entitling housewives to social security. No surprise then that in 2002 women of African and indigenous descent led the millions who descended from the hills to reverse the coup (by a mainly white elite and the CIA), thereby saving their constitution, their president, their democracy, their revolution.
In a country where 65% of households are headed by women, it is they who are the majority in government education and health campaigns: who are users as well as those who nurse, train and educate. Again, women are the majority in the land, water and health committees which sort out how the millions of people who built homes on squatted land can be given ownership, how water supplies are to be improved, and what health care is needed.
Despite oil, 80% of Venezuelan people are poor, and the Women's Development Bank (Banmujer) is needed to move the bottom up. Unlike other micro-credit banks, such as the Grameen in Bangladesh, its interest rates are government-subsidised. Banmujer, "the different bank", is based on developing cooperation among women. Credits can only be obtained if women get together to work out a project which is both viable and what the local community wants and needs.
As Banmujer president Nora Castañeda explains: "We are building an economy at the service of human beings, not human beings at the service of the economy. And since 70% of the world's poor are women, women must be central to economic change to eliminate poverty."
In this oil-producing country 65% of basic food is imported. President Chávez has placed much emphasis on regenerating agriculture and repopulating the countryside, so that Venezuelans can feed themselves and are no longer dependent on imports or vulnerable to blockades which could starve them out. After all, you can't drink oil.
Most importantly, the oil revenue is increasingly used for social programmes as well as agriculture: to enable change in the lives of the most who have least. People feel that the oil industry, nationalised decades ago, is finally theirs. The oil workers have created committees to work out how the industry is to be run and for whose benefit, even what to do about the pollution their product causes. The government has turned the referendum, regarded by Venezuelans as an imperialist attempt to oust Chávez, into an even wider expression of the popular will. The small electoral squads, again mainly women who know the community and whom the community knows, are checking identity cards to weed out the names of those who have died or are under age, and register all who are entitled to vote, so that this time there will be little opportunity for electoral fraud. The turnout is expected to be 85%. Some, especially the well-off, see the political engagement of the whole population as a threat to the status quo. Exactly. But since, increasingly, people find representative government doesn't represent them, it may be the wave of the present.
· Selma James coordinates the Global Women's Strike; she will be one of the international observers at Sunday's Venezuelan referendum
“The wives of our workmates were hand-in-hand with their husbands. They brought them food, gave all their backing, so that those workers could save the industry.”
“The Guide Committee was born a year ago – a tool for the workers to participate in building the management that is yet to be built.”
“This revolution is being fought, won or lost in PDVSA. We believe in working class management for PDVSA. It is the only way, there is no other.”
“We say no more blood for oil. We must use this energy not to destroy the planet, but so that all of us can live.”
“We know the difference between the people of the US and those who govern them. The US people are also victims of the multinationals, and they have a history of struggle.”
“It’s as if the industrial working class had been asleep … The women came out first and the military. Then the workers came, those who were not unionized – the grassroots – and placed themselves on the front line ... From that moment industrial workers in Venezuela became something entirely different.” Nora Castañeda, President, Women’s Development Bank
To get a VHS copy of “The Bolivarian Revolution: Enter the oil workers” send £5/$10 to Crossroads Books, Crossroads Women’s Centre, 230A Kentish Town Road, London NW5 2AB, UK
020-7482 2496
booksvideos@crossroadswomen.net www.globalwomenstrike.net
An antidote for apathy
Venezuela's president has achieved a level of grassroots participation our politicians can only dream of
Selma James
The Guardian, Friday August 13, 2004
Increasing numbers of people, especially the young, seem disconnected from an electoral process which, they feel, does not represent them. This is part of a general cynicism about every aspect of public life.
Venezuela has many problems, but this is not one of them. Its big trouble - but also its great possibility - is that it has oil; it is the fifth largest exporter. The US depends on it and thus wants control over it. But the Venezuelan government needs the oil revenue, which US multinationals (among others) siphoned off for decades, for its efforts to abolish poverty. Hugo Chávez was elected to do just that in 1998, despite almost all of the media campaigning against him.
Participation in politics especially at the grassroots has skyrocketed. A new constitution was passed with more than 70% of the vote, and there have been several elections to ratify various aspects of the government's programme. Even government opponents who had organised a coup in 2002 (it failed) have now resorted to the ballot, collecting 2.4 million signatures - many of them suspect - to trigger a referendum against President Chávez, which will be held on Sunday.
For Venezuela's participatory democracy, which works from the bottom up, the ballot is only a first step. People represent themselves rather than wait to be represented by others, traditionally of a higher class and lighter skin. Working-class sectors, usually the least active, are now centrally involved.
Chávez has based himself on this pueblo protagónico - the grassroots as protagonists. He knows that the changes he was elected to make can only be achieved with, and protected by, popular participation.
Chávez has understood the potential power of women as primary carers. Four months of continuous lobbying got women the constitution they wanted. Among its anti-sexist, anti-racist provisions, it recognises women's unwaged caring work as economically productive, entitling housewives to social security. No surprise then that in 2002 women of African and indigenous descent led the millions who descended from the hills to reverse the coup (by a mainly white elite and the CIA), thereby saving their constitution, their president, their democracy, their revolution.
In a country where 65% of households are headed by women, it is they who are the majority in government education and health campaigns: who are users as well as those who nurse, train and educate. Again, women are the majority in the land, water and health committees which sort out how the millions of people who built homes on squatted land can be given ownership, how water supplies are to be improved, and what health care is needed.
Despite oil, 80% of Venezuelan people are poor, and the Women's Development Bank (Banmujer) is needed to move the bottom up. Unlike other micro-credit banks, such as the Grameen in Bangladesh, its interest rates are government-subsidised. Banmujer, "the different bank", is based on developing cooperation among women. Credits can only be obtained if women get together to work out a project which is both viable and what the local community wants and needs.
As Banmujer president Nora Castañeda explains: "We are building an economy at the service of human beings, not human beings at the service of the economy. And since 70% of the world's poor are women, women must be central to economic change to eliminate poverty."
In this oil-producing country 65% of basic food is imported. President Chávez has placed much emphasis on regenerating agriculture and repopulating the countryside, so that Venezuelans can feed themselves and are no longer dependent on imports or vulnerable to blockades which could starve them out. After all, you can't drink oil.
Most importantly, the oil revenue is increasingly used for social programmes as well as agriculture: to enable change in the lives of the most who have least. People feel that the oil industry, nationalised decades ago, is finally theirs. The oil workers have created committees to work out how the industry is to be run and for whose benefit, even what to do about the pollution their product causes. The government has turned the referendum, regarded by Venezuelans as an imperialist attempt to oust Chávez, into an even wider expression of the popular will. The small electoral squads, again mainly women who know the community and whom the community knows, are checking identity cards to weed out the names of those who have died or are under age, and register all who are entitled to vote, so that this time there will be little opportunity for electoral fraud. The turnout is expected to be 85%. Some, especially the well-off, see the political engagement of the whole population as a threat to the status quo. Exactly. But since, increasingly, people find representative government doesn't represent them, it may be the wave of the present.
· Selma James coordinates the Global Women's Strike; she will be one of the international observers at Sunday's Venezuelan referendum
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